Newgate (edited from B.L. Add.Mss. 56540 and 56541)
Plus Byron’s ballad My Boy Hobbie, O, and the execution of the Cato Street Conspirators
In 1819 Hobhouse contested the parliamentary seat of Westminster, which had become vacant on the suicide of Romilly. He stood as a radical, supported by his father and by Burdett, but was defeated on March 3rd by George Lamb. Riots followed, and a breach opened between him and the Holland House Whigs.
Westminster was an unusual constituency. It extended from Temple Bar to Hyde Park, from Oxford Street to the Thames, and three-quarters of its voters were middle-class: shopkeepers, skilled artisans, printers, tailors, and so on. It was the only constituency in the country in which each of its 17,000 rate-paying householders had the vote, which fact made it a headache to any administration, Whig or Tory, which was based upon, and served, as all administrations were and did, the landed gentry. At Westminster, candidates had to stand on the hustings and speak deferentially to people whom they’d normally expect to speak deferentially to them.
At this time Hobhouse wrote several pamphlets, and an anonymous reply to a sarcastic speech of Canning’s, written by him and some of his friends in the Rota Club, attracted attention. In 1819 he published another anonymous pamphlet, entitled A Trifling Mistake in Thomas Lord Erskine’s recent Preface. Shortly noticed and respectfully corrected in a Letter to his Lordship, by the author of the Defence of the People. To the question “What prevents the people from walking down to the House, and pulling out the members by the ears, locking up their doors and flinging the key into the Thames?” he answered that “their true practical protectors … are to be found at the Horse Guards, and the Knightsbridge barracks” (A Trifling Mistake pp.49-50). The Commons ignored the answer (which in itself asked for trouble), read the question as rhetorical, and found Hobhouse guilty of breach of privilege …
The diary of one falsely imprisoned by a bullying administration – even though in relatively luxurious conditions, allowed to exercise on the jail roof, free to receive and dine almost anyone he likes – is bound to excite our sympathy, and Hobhouse’s succeeds. His stoicism is admirable. He gets up early for a change, and works non-stop at researching his defence and writing protests, though to no avail. It is only the prorogation of parliament which frees him.
The friendship he receives from so many people contrasts with Byron’s mistimed and irrelevant ballad (which gives this website its name). Byron does not understand Hobhouse’s politics, and his jokes miss the mark. Hobhouse, as we can see, is as hostile to “the Mob” as Byron, and the idea (shared by Wellington), that he is a follower of Tom Paine, is foolish. Byron is, perhaps, jealous at seeing his friend suffering in a good English political cause, while he (Byron) stays away, playing the empty games of the Carbonari.
Extra drama is provided in the diary by the departure from England of Scrope Davies, and by the Cato Street Conspiracy, the termination of which is also printed below.
It’s sad to think, given their friendship here, that by the mid-1830s Francis Place was referring to the by-now-reactionary Hobhouse as “live lumber”.
[In the notes, “I.G.” indicates assistance from Ian Gilmour, to whom I’m most grateful.]
[I haven’t been able to identify all the people H. mentions. All help gratefully received.]
Tuesday December 14th 1819
I saw by the papers this morning what a sad mistake Ellice1 had committed – Kinnaird2 agreed something should be done, so he drew up a letter to the Speaker. Whilst he was drawing, in came Bickersteth3 with a petition to the House, or rather a remonstrance, stating the case simply, and calling upon them not to persevere in their injustice. The whole enormity became more apparent the more we thought of it – we agreed on the petition as dignified and proper. We sent to have it engrossed and transmitted to Burdett4 at the House tonight, immediately after my arrest.
About four o’clock, a dreary evening, came Bruce5 and Ellice, and then Burdett. What Ellice had said had made it necessary that I should give myself up. He very generously said that if I chose to go,6 he would take the blame upon himself, and say he had exceeded his commission. Burdett advised me again to go, but I recollected how in his own matter7 his note to the Serjeant-at-Arms had been misconstrued. All I could do was to let Ellice tell the Serjeant-at-Arms where he might find me, but at the same time to let him know that I should yield to force alone – he must come with men – I would not yield to one person.
I left Kinnaird’s then, not to return. This night I had a sort of shyness about telling my boy Richard to take my clothes to Newgate, and I did not tell him. Walked to No 1 New Street – Ellice’s – shook hands with Burdett and Kinnaird – Burdett still pressing me to go to France. Went into Ellice’s with Bruce – there sat ourselves down – this was about five o’clock. We chatted and talked in his little room – Ellice went down to the House to tell the Serjeant where I was – the interval was about an hour. I felt as if waiting for a dentist coming to take my tooth out – every now and then fancied the people came.
At last Ellice’s butler came and said, “Some persons from the House of Commons, Sir!” – “Show them up”, said I, and rose up. In came a short man.8 He knew Bruce, and addressed me as “Mr Hobhouse”. He said he was sorry to come on so unpleasant a business – he had a warrant from the Speaker to apprehend me – with that he pulled out the warrant and the copy. I took both – read the warrant – and said “I cannot obey this – had I been called to the bar, I should have demurred to the tribunal – I now object to the warrant – it is not a legal instrument – I shall not go without force – I presume you are not come alone?” – The messenger said he wished to know what force meant. “I do not mean a regiment of dragoons,” – “Of course”, said the messenger – “well then, I have two men with me below”. – I answered, “I shall not go with you – take back the warrant to the Speaker, and tell him so”. – “Sir” said the little fellow, “I cannot do that – now I have seen you I cannot quit you”. – “Very well”, said I, “then use force – I shall not go without”. The messenger went out, and soon appeared with two tall fellows having certain badges on their breasts, they being other messengers. They waited in the other room – he came in again, and asked me if I should go – “Not without force”. – He seemed to hesitate, and not know what to do. “I am not going to shoot you”, I said. “Oh”, replied the man, “you are too much of a gentleman I am sure”. This made us both laugh. The man said – “Well then, Sir, you are my prisoner”, and saying so, laid his hand gently on my arm. I made a bow. “Very well – I yield to force – but recollect – I say it before Mr Bruce – that it is to force only, and that I desire you to tell the Speaker the warrant is illegal, and the arrest illegal, and that I appeal against it”.
The man promised he would tell the Speaker – I put on my great-coat, and walked downstairs. Ellice’s two servants stood bowing at the door, and seemed as much distressed as if their brother had been carried off. I desired my compliments to Lady Hannah,9 and shook hands with Bruce, and stepped into the coach. The two alguazils10 followed. I called out to the man who arrested me, “Remember you carry my message to the Speaker”. He said he would – “You are not afraid of a rescue?” said I to the other men – “Oh no, Sir!” The coach drove on – we discoursed of various topics – until we came to Newgate – there my body11 was delivered over in form to Mr Brown12 who said he was sorry to see me come. I smiled – we went into the parlour, and whilst Brown was giving the messengers a receipt for my body, I wrote a short letter to Place,13 giving him an account of the violent arrest and desiring him to insert it in the papers. Also a note to Richard, telling him to come to Newgate. I arrived about half-past six, I think.
When the messengers went away, having given me their names, Brown and I began talking about affairs. I had a note from Alderman Ward14 in my pocket, stating the bargain he had made with Brown for me. After some preliminaries, I agreed to give him ten guineas a week for my lodging – coals not included – he to keep a cook for me.
We had much conversation – I ate no dinner, but took a dish of tea,15 and, at ten o’clock a mouthful of bread and cheese. He told me stories which rather diminished Mrs Fry’s16 credit in my eyes. Two characters he said irreclaimable – an old whore and an inveterate thief. About eleven o’clock he asked me to take my hat and walk with him. I did so, and went into the jail porch, hung with irons and other implements [ ][ ]. Presently twenty-five convicts came clanking down the long passage and were pushed into a caravan, which was to take them to Sheerness.17 Brown spoke to the men – some were convicts just escaped hanging – others who had stolen to prevent starving – but all doomed to the same punishment.
I own I did not feel quite comfortable – I had a feeling as if I should never get out of jail – indeed, having resolved upon making no submission whatever, I have taken up my quarters for seven months at least.18 I returned to Brown’s parlour, and in a little time was shown upstairs to a good bedroom19 – where I went for the first time in my life to sleep in a prison, and having no regrets for the cause, slept well. In the night indeed I awoke and felt a little odd. I thought that this time last year I was sure of being member for Westminster, and now in Newgate.
Wednesday December 15th 1819
Cullen20 called before I was up – enquired if I could sleep. Place called. My mother21 and three of my dear sisters22 called. Ellice and Burdett, and many others. The keeper of the prison made a complaint that upwards of sixty people had called before twelve o’clock to enquire, and he was rather gruff thereupon. Place told me that there had been a very full meeting, and quite spontaneously, of the Electors last night at the Crown and Anchor23 – 200 at least present to resolve upon a public meeting in the great room to express their attachment, &c. to me. The whole city he said were alive upon the gross injustice of the proceeding. I found myself very well lodged as to sitting-room and bedroom – dined at six – Burdett sat with me in the evening – well at night.
Thursday, December 16th 1819
Place came and Burdett – Place read the address intended to be proposed to me this day, at [the] Crown and Anchor. We liked all except a fling at the Whigs in the address, allusive to the proceedings in the late Westminster election.
Several people called – Lord Tavistock24 came – whilst he was here, about a quarter past four came Sir Francis Burdett, Joshua Evans,25 and four Westminster gentlemen departed from the public meeting with the address. Sir Francis delivered it into my hand, saying it came from a very numerous and respectable assembly. Lord Tavistock had rather damped me before by saying that he had been there and thought there were about 200 in the room – this is a Whig way of spiting a friend. I asked Burdett – he said it was false – the meeting might have had about 400 at first, but the room was afterwards as full as it could hold. Ottey of the Tavern26 says there were 1,600 at least there. I learn that there were no placards or handbills out until four o’clock yesterday evening – the printers were afraid of being taken up under the new laws.27 All this considered, the meeting is thought to have been very fully attended, and it was very well-dressed indeed – not a gentleman, save Evans and Blackburne,28 besides the Chairman there – my friend Douglas Kinnaird did not29 go. He has made a failure in the House of Commons, and is ashamed – or his partners30 wish to keep him from public meetings – or he has some sinister view or the other – yet is he honnête homme jusqu’à la verité. It was mentioned in the Chronicle that he was at the meeting, and he took care, or someone took care, to contradict it from authority in the New Times.
Murray31 sent me Anastasius or Memoirs of a Greek32 – a delightful book, I think – it seems to me quite a new and yet a likely view of the manners of the East, and shows the Levanters living very much in the same way as we Westerns do – the same dissipation and intrigue, passions and everything, set off by that extraordinary contempt of life which is certain[ly] the most striking feature in the Oriental nations, at least that I have seen. The man himself is a real man – must have been a strange creature – very vicious and headstrong – but having courage and generosity.
I was sure at first reading that our good folks would think of Lord Byron in reading it – and I have since found that the work has been attributed to him – neither he nor any Englishman could have written a page of it I think.
Friday December 17th 1819
Begin to settle myself. Receive a great many visits and letters, and generally speaking everybody is very kind. Burdett dined and sat with me until eleven, the hour at which my keeper tells me he wishes to lock up and out. He (Burdett) informs me there is talk of sending him33 to the Tower for signing the Westminster address to me, which is in the Times of this day and in that paper alone; for the Morning Chronicle, as honest as usual, slurs over the whole proceeding. Burdett said perhaps it would be as good for the cause if he did go to the Tower. He added that he always contemplated a tyrannical close of his life, but that he might better be expended that way than any other. I felt seriously hurt at the notion of having brought this upon him, but his noble kindness and generosity completely relieved me from any feeling that he felt, although I did not the less regret his risk. We talked upon what was best for me to do about answering the Westminster address. I showed him a sketch of an answer – he said “Better wait – write something short and not insulting – and let me make a motion about you in parliament”. We seemed to agree to this, and after he went I wrote a short address – toothache at night pour sarcrât de bonheur.
Saturday December 18th 1819
Sent my letter early to Place – he returned it, having consulted Mill,34 and told me it was in rather a subdued tone. I did not mean this – I only meant not to embarrass any motion Burdett might make. I wrote another, whilst Sir Robert Wilson35 and Ricardo36 were in the room talking, and sent it off to Place. Tavistock called – he and everybody I see open-mouthed about the intention of sending Burdett to the Tower. Wynne,37 Courtenay,38 and Phillimore39 are the conspirators – Castlereagh40 is asked to do it. Some think it will be done on Monday, some think not.
Good people call and write – Sturch, Cartwright, Woolesley, Pearson and Wooler41 called the first day – Wooler’s Black Dwarf, spurring me on with praise – he indeed! Day and evening as usual. Scrope Davies, oh the rogue!42 dined with me –
Sunday December 19th 1819
The cursed bills continue going through parliament – opposition rather diminishes than otherwise – nothing stout said in either House, except I think by Lord Grosvenor and Denman.43
Bickersteth, Kinnaird, Burdett, Evans, and Cullen dine with me. My answer generally approved – The Douglas44 said it was good!!!
Discussion on the probability of Burdett’s confinement.
Monday December 20th 1819
Removed yesterday to bedroom downstairs – took a walk on the top of the jail, which with permission I shall do every day the weather will let me. Sherriff Rothwell and that madcap Sherriff Parkway45 have both called. I write something for second edition to letter to Castlereagh, which I hear has all sold – it was published only a week ago.
I continue reading Anastasius in the evening, but I have very little time, for there is generally somebody with me half the morning and all evening.
Tuesday December 21st 1819
Writing a preface concerning the Bars of honourable House – get it printed, but alter my mind afterwards. Think it more dignified and better for the cause to take no notice whatever of the transaction except in a note, and that very shortly – so I end my preface another way.
Company – time taken up as usual.
Wednesday December 22nd 1819
Nothing to record except the same as before. I saw my father on Monday, when he signed a bond, which Burdett had also signed, payable on my escape or escapes – for £10,000!! He was not well at all.
I think it was this night that the keeper Brown broke in upon me to show me a death warrant for men to die next week.
Bills going on, and Burdett makes no motion respecting me. I think it was this day that a deputation of eight or nine parishioners of St Clements, headed by Mr Prat,46 called and made me a set speech testifying their attachment and that of their parish. I explained it would be useless in me to take the line Burdett had taken, in bringing actions. I could do nothing but move Habeas Corpus and that I would move. They seemed much pleased – and here must I confess the fact that my false imprisonment has created no effect whatever through the country. The press [writing] against me or neglecting me, and the nation having too much to think of to think of me. Were it not for Westminster I should drop to the bottom like a stone in the water. I have still something at home which applauds me.
Thursday December 23rd 1819
As before – Scrope Davies walked with me on the top. Sir Richard Philipps47 came – he recommended me to prosecute the Sheriff for false imprisonment, but this could not bring the question before a jury. Had some friend with me during the evening. Burdett called and went away without moving – forgot it I suppose.
Friday December 24th 1819
Getting preface ready – second edition of letter to Castlereagh – a poor thing. Only a record – the Den48 adjourned until Monday.
Saturday December 25th 1819
My Xmas in prison. Preface out, dated Newgate, “December 24th 1819”.49 Today dined Kinnaird and Irvine50 and Davies with me.
Sunday December 26th 1819
Nothing to record. Finished Anastasius, I think. Read Clifford’s argument in the Exchequer Chamber on Burdett’s case51 and made notes. Walked on top. Bickersteth dined with me.
Major Cartwrght52 called and sat with me – he told me a curious story about Bristol Mills53 telling Hunt54 that Burdett had told Mills that Sir C. Wolesley had told Burdett that Hunt had a protection from government, whereupon Hunt blackguarded Mills and ended by knocking his hat off. Mills went away and challenged Hunt, but received no answer. Cartwright was55 very gentlemanly and agreeable to me for the time I saw him. He said he came to thank me for the noble stand I had made for the liberties of my country. He told me that when Pitt lost his reform proposition by only twenty, he met King, now Dean of Rochester, then private secretary to Lord Rockingham, next day. King ran across the road and said how unlucky Lord Rockingham forgot the question of Reform was coming up last night – “But,” said Cartwright, “he did not forget to keep Burke from the House, whose impetuosity would have betrayed all”.
Cartwright heard Eldon56 say that if the King were to consent to a reform of parliament he wished the King might die – this was at Tooke’s57 trial. Tooke asked him if he had said so – Scott leant down to Whitford and asked, “Did I say so?” – “Yes indeed you did brother Scott.” – Cartwright said that Lord Grenville in parliament said that King Lords and Commons together could not disfranchise a borough.
Cartwright said that of all the Whig Lords desired to present the Middlesex resolutions only one, Leinster, acceded. One said they were libellous, others unconstitutional – Byng was present when they were passed.
Cartwright told me that Pitt was certainly averse to the war in 1793. Dundas told a great commercial friend of his (Cartwright’s) that Pitt would not go to war with France. A person who reported it to Cartwright heard the King say one day to the Austrian Ambassador at Court, “We’ll join you soon – we’ll join you soon – can’t yet”. Cartwright talked of his departure, that is, death – and of his intention to finish his bill for national defence before that event. He said Romilly belonged to the Society for Constitutional Information – his name is not [known] to that society. He said that Sir William Jones said that the declaration of that society should be written in letters of gold – it was written by Cartwright.
On the whole I was much pleased with him – though knowing what a tricky man he is and how he would do anything for his object, per fas et nefas58 – preferring rather, as Burdett says, the nefas. Charles Fox said he studied patience under Cartwright for three years – then he saw him for more than an hour at a time, or saw him too often, for the Major is not tiresome in private conversation.59
Bickersteth dined with me.
Monday December 27th 1819
I wrote a letter to Lord Grosvenor for the Westminster Electors, asking him to make an exception in the Seditious Meetings Bill in favour of Westminster, which Place thinks cannot meet at all under the Act. Place got a petition to the Lords, which I wrote – in great part. Lord Grosvenor presented and spoke in favour of the petition, but the ministers shuffled it off as being too late at the third reading. Now Lord Harrowby had made a pointed exception in favour of Westminster meetings as compared to those at Manchester. “’Tis true indeed,” he said, “the meetings which Mr Fox addressed”. But these meetings were the same that Burdett now addresses, and twenty years hence he would have said, “The meetings which Sir Francis Burdett addresses”60 for the sake of depreciating some reigning popular favourite.
Scrope Davies dined with me this day – Ricardo – Wilson called.
Tuesday December 28th 1819
Snowy weather – could not walk. Ellice came – we had some talk about a motion in parliament for my discharge. Wilson had said he would do it yesterday. Ellice objected to Wilson – said nobody listened to him. Wilson had in the same way objected to Ellice – Ellice told me that Peel61 had said I might get out at Xmas and Ellice said that there was a general feeling that way – Ellice promised to stir himself – Bickersteth sat with me this evening.
Wednesday December 29th 1819
A man was hanged this morning for an unnatural crime. I had my windows fastened up, but could not sleep – they began putting up the scaffold at four o’clock – the tolling of the bell at eight was frightful – I heard the crash of the drop falling and a woman screech62 violently at the same moment – instantly afterwards the sound of the pie-man63 crying “All hot, all hot!” – ’Tis dreadful hanging a man for this nastiness. There are two, a man and boy now in jail, who were caught in flagrante delictu – and yet only sentenced to two years imprisonment. The poor wretch was half dead, so they told me, before he was hanged.
This day I thought I had better stop Wilson and Ellice from doing anything in the House tomorrow, so I wrote to them, but I still thought it better that someone should ask whether I was to be kept in during this long adjournment of seven weeks – as long as a prorogation. I wrote accordingly to Ricardo, as one who had weight, and who would not blunder out anything about me. To be sure it was to be expected that someone would say a word for me – my desiring the thing not to be done, as from me, had nothing to do with someone thinking the thing should be done as a matter of justice. I own I expected some one would move.
Read Ivanhoe.64 Very good, but I do not know enough of the manners of Richard I’s time to know whether the portrait is a likeness – it seems as if it were like. Do not feel well at all – my head sings and rings very badly at night, and in the evening too sometimes – yet I walk on the top for two hours almost every day.
Thursday December 30th 1819
Disturbed by visitors. The Den meet – and adjourn at half-past four until February 17th. Douglas Kinnaird dined with me, and told me nothing had been done in the Den about me. I thought he might have come away before the time, and depended on Ricardo. Evans called in evening.
Friday December 31st 1819
Two men, Wildish and Booth, hanged at eight o’clock – they had a psalm sung under the gallows – I looked out a moment after they dropped – could not discern any motion except a little tremor in the hands of one of them – I am quite certain that the contemplation of these scenes frequently would very much diminish in me the fear of dying on a scaffold – I felt much less shocked this day than I did on Wednesday last.65
Place called in a great rage that nothing had been said about me in the Den – “Pretty friends!” cried he – “Where was Burdett? where was Kinnaird? where was Tavistock? where was Ricardo – where was Ellice? pretty friends – damn your gentlemen – they have no more feeling than the table – what, dine and sleep and talk and live with a man – and then let him lie in jail without a word for him when a word might be of service?”
It appears Place had been with Wilson, and got him to own that the thing ought to be done, although I had requested him not to do it. Wilson promised he would do it. He then met Place after the House was up and said it would not do – “It would have been a good thing for Castlereagh to move”, and such trash.
Place said he was sure Wilson had been with the Whigs – and that those gentlemen had dissuaded him – I think so too – but not because they wanted to keep me here – only because they thought the motion would not get me out, and would have the effect of making the country talk of me, which they do not want, of course. I received a humbug letter from Ricardo. Place told me that Mill, author of the History of India, would dine with me on Wednesday. Place had spoken about this before – now I thought it a ticklish thing not to ask Place to come, but considering my relations with Westminster, this would never do – and so I must e’en run the risk of offending Place, who, I hope, however, has too much sense to be offended. He is a very extraordinary man – some doubt his honesty – but as his dishonesty, if dishonest he be, never can hurt me, I care not what he is. Having no project beyond what every man in the street knows or many know, he cannot betray me.
Place told me that when there was fear of the French raft invasion, some scoundrels had actually formed the project of plundering London if the French landed, and had drawn up a paper with all their names to it. They came to Place – Place spoke to Colonel Despard,66 and the two together drew up a sort of proclamation which they intended to placard if anything had happened. The proclamation denounced the whole conspiracy, named the conspirators, and recommended every citizen to shoot them wherever they dared to <attempt> effect their honest scheme. “Now,” said Place, “after this I was much surprised to hear that Despard had engaged in a plan of insurrection – and yet he had certainly engaged in it – he was guilty. I did not know him for three years before his death, on account of a good-for-nothing son who quarrelled with him” – so said Place. Place said Despard was a very mild man – never swore – never talked vehemently.
I took a good deal of exercise late in day. Certainly much better for it. Drink only wine and water. Bickersteth sat all the evening with me – mentioned a strange thing said by Charles Fox about parliament.67
Heard the bellman crying in the New Year – nearly finished Ivanhoe – the introduction of Robin Hood, Little John, and Friar Tuck at the close rather ridiculous.
Saturday January 1st 1820
Got up at nine, and intend, if possible, to begin a new life about getting up at least. I shall now set to work about my motion for a Habeas Corpus – write a note or two. The Times has had a sharp bash with Canning68 respecting the Letter to him.69 Canning, in his speech on Friday week, said the Times praised that letter and recommended assassination. The Times rejoined in Saturday’s paper by one of the best articles ever written. Thrashed Canning to chaff – the foolish Courier defended Canning – the Times replied in a tone of complete scorn. The Chronicle, then being praised by Canning, attacks both Courier and Times. The Times now attacks both Courier, and Chronicle, and Canning. Well done the Letter – Canning will never forget it – hæret lateri lettalis arando. [“urundo”??]70
Courtenay, who sent me here, is Canning’s friend – his brother is Canning’s secretary at the Board of Control – who knows but he does this thing to me to avenge the letter? For everybody suspects me of being the author. I have half a mind to write another letter to Canning – his trashy speech “sacrificing himself to save the institutions of his country” – that is, exposing himself to a paragraph in the newspapers – would make a good subject for a poem – I have written fifty lines thereupon.
Ricardo calls – I say nothing to him about his stammering and stuttering, which prevented him, so he said, from moving my discharge. S.B. Davies called and left me a pamphlet on the genius of Lord Byron and on Don Juan by one Coulton,71 author of Hypocrisy, a Satire – there are one or two good things in it – he agrees with me that the Fourth Canto72 is the first of Byron’s works; indeed, he says it is the first of all poems – he believed in the Devonshire ghost.73 When Scrope last saw him he asked him if he had “given up the ghost?” – “No.” – “Ah, you will never give up the ghost till you die!” – Also brought me Cobbett’s74 last TUPPENNY, which is very good indeed, and especially in Mackintosh’s75 fulsome eulogy on Perry76 and, on the respectable part of the press. Walking on the top, a dire day – Dr Chambers,77 good fellow, joined me.
Dined, and alone, all evening – read half first volume of 8° Leo X.78 It certainly is inferior to Lorenzo, and very much so – the chapter re[ ]ing learned men is to my mind not good – anybody might do it out of Tiraboschi.79
Sunday January 2nd 1820
Bad night, and got up very late. Wrote a little respecting Privilege.
H.W. Jones,80 from Bradford, called – he brought me a sermon preached at Frome, and sold by Longman for one shilling. It recommends passive obedience and non-resistance, and preaches the Divine Right of Kings. Deputation from Committee appointed to give Burdett a piece of plate in St James’ Parish – asking me to write the inscription.
Bickersteth walked on the top with me – frost gone – he talked to me of his Cambridge studies, and delightfully of Neaton,81 I felt ashamed to know nothing, but glad to hear about such noble subjects.
When I came down, Scrope Davies came – he told me he was come to take leave – he must leave England – he had changed his lodgings frequently, but was afraid of being dodged – he had just £130 to start upon the continental world with, and no more. He knew not whither to go. He thought of enlisting in a West India regiment. I asked him to dine – he said no, he could not bear that – he was as gay as he could be, poor fellow, and so was I, in order to prevent him thinking I mourned more for my £250 than for the loss of my friend’s company. He has been very kind to me in his prosperity, and I should be selfish and savage indeed to nourish any disagreeable sentiments or horrible feelings towards him – although the sum cuts deeply into £800 per annum – and although there was a want of morality and principle in the way in which he took me in, which must not be thought lightly of by any man pretending to honesty. But it is a sad finale. He tells me he was in 1815 worth £22,000, and a good income besides. He did not tell me how much he owes – Kinnaird says £10,000 – in this Burdett, myself, D. Brown82 and Kinnaird suppose – Andrews83 for a large sum, Atkinson, his servant, something, his lodgings £80 – in short, a complete smash – he traces all to a request made by Lord Jersey to come to London instead of going to Cambridge – he went to the Union – lost £150, and looking after that, in a few nights lost almost everything. When he went to Switzerland with me he had £5,000, about, left. He has left Byron’s picture in my hands, and the Third Canto of Childe Harold Mss in Kinnaird’s.84 He has desired Kinnaird to take his name out of Brooke’s. He tells me the chances against his return are 100 guineas to a shilling.
Such is the end of this man whom I have known now for fifteen years at least – almost half my life – he was in his day certainly the most agreeable man for every day, in London, and was so esteemed by all who knew him. He was, up to his last misfortune, signally honourable in all his dealings, and has been guilty of one or two indiscreet, that is, very generous, actions towards those with whom he played successfully. He did not know much – but what he did know he knew well, and from perpetually turning over Shakespeare and Bacon’s essays, particularly, had a fund of agreeable quotation and ingenious remarks ever at hand. His gambling habits left him without much real feeling, yet he was a warm assertor of his friendships <he fought a duel for Lord Lowther’s honor> – although for a joke he would perhaps sacrifice one friend to another. He prided himself most on keeping a secret, as indeed he told me at parting. Unfortunately he kept the secret respecting his own fortunes too well, for had he been explicit and told the truth when they were on the turn, his friends would certainly have done him as much good as lay in their power. As it was, he tricked first Burdett, who did not like to lose £500 in such a way but I am sure would gladly have lent him or given him £5,000. I should think him to be thirty-eight years of age – but even in this particular he was so close that no-one knew the fact. I dare say that his father knows nothing about his misfortune. The good parson of Tetbury85 has another son, Tom Davies – a great rogue in the Bench – I believe Scrope assisted him much. Scrope still says he can go into the church and get a college living from £1,500 to £3,000 a year – why not do this? Heaven knows whether this is the fact.
He took leave of me a little before six o’clock. A strange termination to our intercourse – he running away from England leaves me in Newgate.86 Byron will be sorry to hear this. By the way, Byron has changed his mind – he says he will not come to England now – everything was packed up on the 4th of December – but now his illegitimate daughter Allegra – by Godwin’s wife’s daughter – is ill, and he will not come.87
Dined and passed evening alone – read first chapter of Hatsell’s precedents88 – and commented. Read the remainder of first volume of Leo X, and a dissertation to prove Lucretia Borgia not incestuous. Perhaps not, but she certainly looked on with her father and brothers whilst fifty naked women were hopping about on all fours after chestnuts – and were afterwards covered by the male guests for a prize. Roscoe89 is certainly feeble – I learn nothing new except that the character of Charles VIII was very weak and dissolute. At the battle of the Tarro the Italians took the King’s memorandum-book containing pictures of the women he had had in his expedition. Roscoe, in dissertation, remarks an error in Gibbon respecting Lucretia’s marriage with [the] Duke of Ferrara – I suspect Gibbon more and more to be a very inaccurate writer.
Monday January 3rd 1820
Reading and writing about privilege. Reading Leo X in the evening, when Evans called and sat with me. He tells me the High Bailiff’s action comes on next week – I am to pay £100 there too. How I shall get through everything I know not, what with one expense and another and losses by friends …
Tuesday January 4th 1820
Privilege continued. Walked on uppers late – Grey Bennett, and Jones came – Bennett told me that Markham, who was hanged on Wednesday last, had committed his crime with a pauper in a workhouse on a coffin.90 He said Brown was a good man, but rough with the prisoners. He said a friend of his was told by Wilberforce91 that he (Wilberforce) had no fear of the radicals – he was “afraid of nothing but a despotism”!! – “Why then vote for the bills?”92 said the other. – “Oh,” [he] replied, “that is another affair”. – I suppose the man is a fool, and therefore Wilberforce talked nonsense to him. – Bennett is a very weak and inaccurate man. He quoted Swift’s words to Bettesworth93 and called them Johnson’s, and added an oath which neither Swift nor Johnson would have used. He said to me – “Well – we did all we could for you”!! meaning the Whigs – scoundrels, they did nothing, but vote me into the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms, and I do believe that the other day they stopped Wilson from doing anything. Bickersteth sat with me in the evening – his kindness is without measure. I read Clifford’s argument in Flower’s case. I was ill last night – took calomel in the evening and salts next morning.
Wednesday January 5th 1820
Very la-la-ish – write notes – amongst others to White, the editor of the Independent Whig,94 who wants me to subscribe to his new paper – the other day Thelwall95 wanted me to write for his Champion, and announce it!! The fool is offended because I did not consent.
Read some of Bacon’s essays96 – delightful! Never read them before – in short, Heaven knows how I have got on at all – with so very little reading – if I have got on – which I doubt. Recollect always Thomas Hobbes’s saying “if I had read so much”,97 and one always finds an excuse for every deficiency. Surgeon Box of the prison visited me – he says my singing in the head, which is abominably bad in both ears, is foreunner of gout – he is all for the Colichum in gout – but then he drinks a bottle of wine per diem!
Mill, author of the History of India, dined with me and Bickersteth. Mill is a very precise – hard-headed, well-informed and agreeable man – totally emancipated, as they say, from every prejudice in politics and religion. He told us that Brougham,98 his intimate friend, was in private just as ourselves. He lamented that the worship of good company should make such a man quite useless. I dated his falling-off to the death of Horner,99 who left a knife and fork for him at Holland House – Mill agreed to this. Mill repeated with delight part of the poem of the Legion Club,100 and noted a passage in Voyage to Laputa respecting the parliament. I will have them both.101 I fear Mill and Bickersteth must think I talked too much of my own condition – not that they showed any impatience, nor that I was very selfish – but that I feel I am liable to err on this side.
I felt better at night – read the Popiana in Spence’s Anecdotes,102 just published – little new but all very agreeable considering who the interlocutors are – Spence himself a very humble poet – slept well …
Thursday January 6th 1820
The Monthly Review puts down Place’s address to Westminster Electors, as well as Defence of the People, to me – and says, “Quite cleverly, but not like a gentleman” – cazzo!!103 What does the man mean by “Writing like a gentleman”? I write a letter to Griffiths,104 but [do] not send it.
This day called a Mr Wheeler, with an address to me from the Liverpool Reformers, Colonel Williams, who proposed Lord Sefton105 in the chair; Shephard, Crampton, and Rushton and Roscoe’s106 name among the signatures, which amount to more than 400. This put me somewhat in spirits – my darling sisters Mell and Sophy called, and sat with me some time. Don’t recollect what I read in evening, but believe I was employed in sketching an answer for Liverpool address – William Smith107 called. He told me I put my commitment in a new light to him.
Friday January 7th 1820
Wrote answer to address – sent the address to be copied by William Hone,108 who had offered to be useful, but who was a little sulky upon being put to work. Sent off answer to Colonel Williams, Gateacre, near Liverpool. Hone called, and showed me a thing with wood-cuts called The Man in the Moon.109 Ben Flower of the Cambridge Chronicle110 called – he is a very odd-shaped [and] -headed old man, very deaf. Courted his wife in this gaol – he told me that he was the only editor (almost) who dared to attack Erskine’s attack on Williams111 – that just after he visited Perry in the room where I am, that Perry said, “If you had been here five minutes before, you would have seen Erskine – I have read the Cambridge Intelligencer to him, and he says, ‘By God, I believe the fellow is right’!” – “Now”, says Flower, “only think of the baseness of this man the other day, praising Erskine for his conduct respecting Williams.” Flower told me that Hall of Cambridge112 was once a rank Jacobin – he went round at once. When mad, some friends visited him – he prayed most eloquently for twenty minutes, then jumped up, applauded himself, and said he should have had a crown of glory but that fellow the angel Gabriel had made it so small it could not fit his head.
Dined alone. Kinnaird not coming as promised in evening. Had Evans with me.
Saturday January 8th 1820
Writing in morning. Walked out for first time since Tuesday – found myself wonderfully better therefore. A Mr James Williams walked with me – he is a stationer in Farringdon without – great Waithmannian,113 friend of Burdett – said Waithman wavered last session – found little spirit in the city – people frightened. He told me that he had dined in company with a Mr Prince, who had been a purser on board some king’s ship, and dismissed for his civility to Napoleon – that Napoleon had told him that he thought many more improbable things had already happened to him than his escape from St Helena. By the way, all accounts from France denote a change immediately on [the] death of the King. I have had a letter from Hortense, Napoleon’s daughter-in-law,114 thanking me for the Last Reign,115 which I sent her by Henry.116
Kinnaird came for a few minutes – he talked the strangest politics – said, when I told him I was very ill, “Well – you won’t submit”!!! How the deuce could such a thing enter his mind? Called down to speak to Mr Sheriff Rothwell,117 who showed me an advertisement saying that the subscribers to the Manchester Fund118 and others would meet at Mr Hobhouse’s apartments at Newgate on Monday. I told him I had written about the matter and supposed it a hoax.
Presently comes Service and with him Sir R. Philipps,119 telling me it was a hoax – someone had paid three guineas for the advertisement in the Chronicle and Times. I had long conversations with Sir R. Philipps – he is a most impudent and annoying fellow. He goes to Cobbett and Hunt,120 and I dare say reports progress of me, &c. Cobbett has actually desired 60,000 of his admirers to subscribe twopence apiece for him – he will not say why, but he must have the money in the third week in February – excellent. The Times seems to think he is gone mad. After dinner came Bickersteth – charming fellow. I wrote to Burdett today – the Whig White asks me to lend him £50.
Sunday January 9th 1820
The Whig has Liverpool address to me. The Examiner the address and answer – and a leading article about my letter to Castlereagh, which it praises to the skies. Seaton121 calls, and walks with me on the top. He dissuades politics – says the people will always resist government enough without gentlemen and better without gentlemen, and that the sacrifice is too great and useless to boot. He thinks the late bills passed on account of gentlemen joining the people. Tavistock told me ministers said so. Seaton gave me capital quotation from Phædrus122 – prologue to third book – for my defence in King’s Bench. He is still as he used to be. I find not him, but myself, altered – alas! alas! my head is getting totally unserviceable – memory quite gone – no “life of life” – observed a housemaid washing her teeth in attics opposite.
Dined alone. Bickersteth in evening – wrote today commenting on the sermon of one Cassan, curate of Frome, recommending passive obedience even when against the word of God.
Monday January 10th 1820
Wrote against Cassan – sent it to the Times – see that paper has not inserted the Liverpool address to me – in short, I have no chance of any play at all here. Place called – very kind indeed – seemed to say things were looking well in Westminster – sisters called, and sat with me – dear girls. No walking today – Kinnaird dined with me – he in good sorts, and better temper, so I talked about myself, more than I ought, to him. We communicated about Scrope, who has behaved in a most swindling way indeed. Read Swift’s characters,123 and tried similar thing in my own times. Not good, and too dangerous. Read memoirs of John Crichton.124 How much Swift seems to have hated Burnet.125 The man who got Lady Cherry Tree’s Daughter with child, who hid in her bed whilst Crichton was looking after him, was called “Master John Williamson”126 – in the notes may be traced the author of Old Mortality127 – I read Scott’s edition.128
Tuesday January 11th 1820
Up a little early, half-past nine. Working hard at East all morning. A Captain Briquet de la Fleurie, who went, or said he went, to Elba with Napoleon, came here – begging. Gave him a pound, though I think he lied. Letter from Burdett – very, very kind!! Could not walk – snowing – head ringing. In the Scotsman, Ricardo’s plan is solemnly recommended – the capitalists are to give up only twenty per cent!! Not a word said about reform – who would resign his property except on the condition that no more taxation [be] brought about, by [a] corrupt parliament? Address from Lambton129 to some of his constituents, saying all, or nearly all, evils flow from corrupt representation. Letter from my father, telling me he shall pay for my lodgings here and sending me £50 – cage belle here. Hibbert130 called – told me S.B. Davies is at Ostende. After dinner read Roscoe – Leo X. I shall forget it, every word – but never mind – sic itur ad umbras.131 Journalised after. I should write to Byron, to Mary Hobhouse, to several others. This day my father wrote to me enclosing a £50 note and saying he should pay for my lodgings whilst here – oh rare!! ditto, twice over.132
Wednesday January 12th 1820
Paid Mr Brown this morning £43 4s for four weeks’ lodging and four bottles of wine (24s).
Working on as usual – walked, and slid, at the top – very hard weather. The Times newspaper is filled with nothing but subscriptions for the houseless in London Wall, a charity set up by himself, which has subscribed £9,000 in ten days – our miserable subscription for the Manchester people cannot get above £3,000 in five months and more – hear great complaints against the manner in which that subscription has been conducted.
Thursday January 13th 1820
At work for case – walked on top – slid – got hot. Got ill.
Friday January 14th 1820
Woke ill, but worked on. Mrs, Miss Latham,133 Melly and Sophy dined with me. I was very <unwell>, but made the [meal] agreeable – took calomel, and sick half night, but diminished fever and sore134 throat. Wrote away, this day and yesterday, a piece of poem, Pandemonium, in style of Legion Club135 – furor arma ministrat.136 I wrote 160 verses in the course of day, with extraordinary facility, walking and sitting – and I think good.
Saturday January 15th 1820
Took salts … better today but far from well … working at case –
Sunday January 16th 1820
On Tuesday last – the great Westminster cause, Cullen versus Morris,137 came on – for which Burdett and I are to pay. Cullen’s vote allowed by Chief Justice to be a good vote, but he thought malice not proved – a juror withdrawn, after jury out two hours – working as usual … not well –
Monday January 17th 1820
McCreery called with an address from the Concentric Society. I wrote an answer and sent it off by post. Mr. W. Shepherd, Poggio Bracciolini, Place (by his own invitation), Mill, and Bickersteth and Richter138 dine with me – I sick – and all dull, I think.139
Tuesday January 18th 1820
Write to Byron.140 An odd fellow, one Crosbie,141 wants to see me and render me, he says, an important service. I half suspect, and will have nothing to do with him. Feel better today – write and read in the evening.
Wednesday January 19th 1820
Walked out this day – open weather, and a genial breeze – delightful – felt quite another man. This day, Wilson called – told me how disgusted he was with public life, and how he was resolved almost to take the Chiltern Hundreds and live in France. He said want of money in this country sunk a man below his level – he told me if the Whigs came in they would do nothing. He was sure Holland House would not support Lambton’s142 motion – here is a man who sees right and acts wrong – he has lost all weight in the House.
This day I finished my reading and noting for motion of discharge.
Thursday January 20th 1820
Began writing my King’s Bench speech and argument. Excellently well, I feel, to what I have been. Sophy called and sat with me, then the Forbes’s,143 then I walked with Francis Cohen144 on the top. Cohen tells me that in the old Swedish laws the words of Magna Charta, Nullus liber homo145 &c. are given almost verbatim, and though the Swedish laws are later than King John, yet, by universal tradition, they only embody the old law of the country.
William Hone came and sat with me till ten o’clock – he is quite mad about a jury – he thinks he would get into the heart of any twelve men – as he says. He told me a rascally thing of Mudford, acting writer of Courier.146 Hone was printing a sixpenny life of Bonaparte in numbers – he wanted half a guinea a sheet more for the work – the bookseller refused, and Mudford undertook it – but lo! – the latter part of Bonaparte’s life was quite in the contrary tone to the former, and down went the book. Hone gave Stoddart147 the name of “Slop” – he says that the Times fell 700 in a week – when his Buonapartephobia148 came out. Stoddart was dismissed the week after by Walter, and lost £1,500 a year. When “Slop” was tried, “Slop” accused him of selling obscene books. Hone in court said “Slop” was a villain to the backbone. I wrote till one o’clock – slept well.
Friday January 21st 1820
Up half-past eight – oh, if I could keep to this! A mite or two, and journal – walked – and wrote and dined … I think it was today that Place was with me, and told me some very curious things as to the change of manners in the tradesmen of London. He says that formerly – all their daughters were whores and many of their sons hanged. Thirty decent families, who used to frequent his father’s public house in Arundel Street, went off in this way. Now all the rogues and whores come from a much lower class – the tradesmen seldom get drunk – and never gamble, which all did formerly.149 Place’s father lost three good fortunes, and his mother ended by supporting him by taking in washing.
Place is a most extraordinary man – he talked to me of the new notion respecting the whole of our system gravitating towards the constellation Hercules, and of the parallax of the fixed stars, &c. He seems a very ingenious mechanic – he is an esprit fort in every sense of the word. He told me the efforts he had made to introduce some sense into the lessons of Sunday Schools and others, instead of the trash taken at hazard from the Bible, but it was resisted by the superstitious.
This day Petrie150 and Kinnaird dined with me.
Saturday January 22nd 1820
Working at argument151 very hard – walking, &c. – nothing but argument.
Sunday January 23rd 1820
At argument – and as usual – – –
Monday January 24th 1820
At argument – hard work – – – walking, &c. –
Tuesday January 25th 1820
Also – also – as before – – –
Wednesday January 26th 1820
Ibid. Writing hard. My father, Doctor Chambers, and Seton152 dined with me. Charles Seton told me that one Whitmore had written a book on the disorder of death!!!153 He says putridity is often a sign of health returning. My father looking very ill – but he is convalescent – he is most kind indeed.
Thursday January 27th 1820
Writing hard at argument. Walked on top, &c. Mr Berguer154 called – a very agreeable man indeed.
Friday January 28th 1820
Writing hard, and make myself ill. Cullen dined with me and I read to him, come in asino,155 snaps of my satires – I never can keep my own secrets, and have the greatest difficulty at keeping other people’s, but there are secrets I have never let slip an hair of. Such was the cause of quarrel between the Duke of Devonshire and Lord Tavistock156 – and several others – Kinnaird is very rimose157 indeed.
Saturday January 29th 1820
This morning, finished my argument, which is one hundred and thirteen sheets of letter paper on one side, and I do think is a decent monument of my power of application, and is good in other respects considering the circumstances of the case, I without books and being sick at times, and much interrupted.
Webster Wedderburne (as he now calls himself) walked on the top with me – a very strange creature, miraculously blind to his own defects. He said he should like to be a barrister, and thought he would gain great reputation by opening on a crim con cause. This from the greatest ass and cuckold in London.158 Bickersteth with me in evening.
Sunday January 30th 1820
Up at nine – Mr Brown tapped at my door – King Dead.159 Begin new book with George IV. Brown again came in. News at the Mansion House – King died at half past eight o’clock last night.160
George the Fourth161 on the throne – his father having died last night at half past eight o’clock. Well, we shall see. All my labours will be nullified, almost, by the King’s death – for in the universal hubbub, who will care about the Habeas Corpus? – so no good will be done. Still, I have gained knowledge on this subject – and that is something. The bell of St Paul’s now tolling for the late King – twelve o’clock, about. I go on my way. It makes no difference to me. Bickersteth called and walked with me – dined and as usual.
Monday January 31st 1820
King George proclaimed at twelve o’clock. I heard the cannons, and continued my labours – walked on top, &c.
Tuesday February 1st 1820
This day, Joshua Evans applied for a Habeas Corpus writ for me in the King’s Bench, and procured it, but with great difficulty. Justice Best162 said the writ was not a writ of course: but Evans read the Act threatening a fine of £500 to any Judge refusing it in the vacation: by how much more then must it be necessary to grant it in term time!! This persuaded Abbott.163
Walked, &c.
Wednesday February 2nd 1820
After dinner today, Bickersteth and Evans came and heard me read my case. They made so many objections to the first twenty pages that they drove me nearly mad, and I could hardly sleep a wink …
Thursday February 3rd 1820
… but I got up early the next morning and rewrote the first ten pages. Bickersteth came and approved. Evans came and heard in the evening. I did not go out today – worked like a horse.
Friday February 4th 1820
The whole of this day employed in correcting case. Bickersteth with me in afternoon, Evans in the morning. Got ready after infinite fatigue, and went to bed terrified at the approaching struggle. To be sure it is something to go down to a court, having the Bench and the Bar against me, to do a thing which I never tried to do before, and especially when it is very doubtful whether the Court will hear my five-hour speech – I all apprehension –
Saturday February 5th 1820
Got up at eight, pale as death and trembling – drank a glass of wine – and at half-past nine stepped into a hackney coach with Brown and Hayward,164 and another. Went to Westminster Hall and got fairly seated on the Attorney’s bench in the King’s Bench. Kinnaird came – Grimgrillers came in and took their seats – the Bar as full as it could hold. My old schoolfellow Ben Bright,165 amongst the spectators, came to shake hands. Place opposite. Cursed Pauper-Cases came on, one after the other, tedious and about twopences. I went out of court twice and felt quite exhausted.
Evans not called upon until half-past two, when the Return to the writ was handed up and read. Then I stood up, and it being very late and I tired, asked to have the Return filed and the cause argued another day, as in Flowers’ case.
Then followed a disgraceful scene indeed. Chief Justice Abbott led me to believe that if I told my principal points of objection I should be heard on Monday. The whole court believed the same – I hesitated about telling my objection to there being no publication mentioned in the warrant, but did tell it. I saw a great sensation produced – when I sat down Kinnaird told me that what I had done was done well. Scarlett166 said to me, “That is a good point,” and he added that if [the] House of Commons could call writing a breach of privilege it could call drinking a glass of wine a breach of privilege. He recommended me to read the Act reversing Algernon Sydney’s judgement.167
The judges consulted some time – I am sure several present thought they were going to discharge me – I almost thought so myself – but lo, Lord Chief Justice Abbott began – and soon the gross trick and injustice came out. I was to be remanded without any future hearing. I tried to speak after Abbott, asking him if I might be permitted. He said, “No, Sir! We have heard your points!!” Then Bailey and Hilroyd168 and Best followed – all of them mis-stating and thundering. Best made a political speech, and quoted the newspaper against me – his brothers corrected him once or twice. After he concluded I made another effort to speak, but was stopped – so I walked out of court.
Those outside clapped their hands – and a crowd attended me cheering into Palace Yard, where I got into a hackney coach, and with the party returned to the place whence I came.
So ends my toil of seven weeks.
Blackburn and Evans called. They almost cried. They said it was the grossest fraud and injustice ever heard of. They said there was but one opinion about it. Bickersteth came and dined with me. He said it was all for the best – it was a palpable fraud, but all for the best; the judges had resolved that I should not be heard – they had come down with ready-made judgements, and would have stopped me at every page. He said I spoke very well and clearly, all except at the part about publication. He said I had got a great deal of useful information, which it was as good to keep by me. I fear that he does not think much of my case, and more than that, I fear he is right. But I shall not be able to contain myself.
I should have mentioned that one day this week I heard from Place that Wilson had told Service that there was an inclination in the Whigs to withdraw George Lamb,169 and that George Lamb himself would have no objection, if he could be sure that he would not be crowed over by the Reformers. Service went to Place to know what the Reformers and he meant to do, that he might tell Wilson. Place said that he had an attack on Whigs ready which would not be published unless necessary, and that there need be no fear of the Reformers behaving unhandsomely to Lamb, if Lamb behaved handsomely to them. No answer as yet received – I cannot help suspecting Wilson to be either dupe or rogue in this matter.
Sunday February 6th 1820
A very good report in the Observer of all the proceedings yesterday, but exaggerates the crowd and the applause. I sat down and wrote a letter to the editor of the Times, asking him if he would insert my argument – he said “Yes”, in a very civil answer.
Blackburne and Blaquière170 dined here, and Hone came in the evening. Only one opinion about Abbott’s conduct. Hone told me that Wooler made Abbott Chief Justice. Abbott showed, by snapping a verdict on Wooler, that he would do any dirty trick.
Spent a pleasant evening for first time in a long time.
Monday February 7th 1820
Sent case to Times, and a public letter attacking Abbott and Best. Hayward called. Held consultation about carrying case into Exchequer, or Common Pleas, but the writ of Habeas would be refused there, and the Common Law writ must be argued. So I should not be brought up. Cullen came after dinner. Times sent proofs to correct.
Tuesday February 8th 1820
Times has got the letter, and the first section of [the] Argument. Employed preparing the remainder of case and sent it to Times. Walked on top, Chambers with me. He says everybody is disgusted at the conduct of the judges – excepting only the High Flyers. I heard Copley171 was – at first – and that Jonathan Partridge172 was the only man who was not. Even Boyce Coombe173 said it was horrid.
Dine alone – correct for Times. McCreery174 came – I put into his hands the case for a pamphlet. Blackburne and Evans came. They are sanguine about Westminster – I cannot say I am now. I hear Cobbett has been attacking me in his Evening Post. Says I fail in everything – too true!! Read Taming of the Shrew and some of Merry Wives – enchanting – makes one forget all troubles. Bed, and slept very well.
Wednesday February 9th 1820
Rumour of dissolution on the 29th. Times has my argument continued. Place calls – he in spirits about Westminster. There is to be a meeting on Friday. Money, after all, must come from me and Burdett – £500 apiece, about, I take it.
A Mr James Dignam175 called and sat. Now he is gone I know not but he may be a spy, but he told me several things against Lamb’s people – Mother Butler176 gave a man £10 to vote for Lamb. He says that Prescott177 is employed again, and that Lamb certainly starts. Very well, let him – I care not about the event, but wish it were over – write journal.
Thursday February 10th 1820
Chronicle and New Times copying the argument from the Times. I employed in cutting out columns from the Times in order to make a pamphlet of the argument, and in writing a preface or account of previous proceedings. Walking, &c.
My father and Kinnaird and Cullen dined here.
Friday February 11th 1820
Employed much as before. Saw Fisher of St James’s178 this day. He talks rather despondingly of Westminster. Walked and dined and did little. Read a little Shakespeare.
Saturday February 12th 1820
Anniversary of my nomination for Westminster.
Whilst I was employed about my argument, came in Place and Pullar,179 and presented to me a letter. I opened and read, and found that it announced my having been chosen last night, at a meeting of Electors of Westminster, as a fit person to be put in nomination for the city and liberty of Westminster. Daddy Sturch180 proposed Burdett, Place proposed me. Sturch was not for me, but hardly against. He said the Electors should find another man like Burdett, or should be content with Burdett. He is supposed to have an eye to himself. All the others were most strong in my favour, and Sturch did not hold up his hand against me. I was not much elated with the news, having my apprehension, and moreover being much more indifferent than formerly to the honour of representing Westminster. I hear, however, that everything looks prosperous, and certainly Lamb is far from decided about his measures.
It rained – I walked, however. Bickersteth called in the evening – he told me how things went at the meeting last night – he suspects Sturch meditates a trick.
Sunday February 13th 1820
The argument continued. Blackburne walked with me. He gave cheering news of Friday night – he said that Brougham told Evans, Lamb was bound in honour to stand. This does not look strong.
Sir Robert Wilson dined with me alone. Not a word about Westminster. He confessed Calvert181 was a poor jealous creature, and said he could turn Calvert out at any time. Wilson will have no contest – he certainly regrets the half-honest line he has taken, for his wants and his family are large. He finds that the aristocratic system here prevents any equality between men of very unequal fortunes. He is disgusted with the little figure he has made in the House, and, said he, “You will be sick of it in half a year”.182 He told me the other day that Brougham was against Lamb’s standing, and that he had hoped there would have been no contest. Wilson talked about the great humbug with me – he was not dull, and went away at nine o’clock.
The Prince gave Lady Wilson £300 a year, which Wilson gave up when he became member for Southwark. Wilson told me that he was the only general officer that rode following the retreat of the French from Moscow, and that the Emperor Alexander spoke to him about it and said183 he wished his officers would follow his example – the Emperor himself did. Wilson told me that nothing was more common than to cut pieces of flesh off living horses for food. He himself shot a hundred at least, out of charity. Wilson is all agog about the Queen.184 Alderman Wood185 tells me that he is her correspondent and adviser. She thinks Brougham has given her up, and said so in one of the letters lately published, but the passage was left out. Westminster business announced in Sunday papers.
Monday February 14th 1820
Employed about Argument. Walked on top, &c. Wrote Preface for Cullen and Morris Trial. Evans called – he told me that Brougham told him Lamb was only a stop-gap. Hobhouse was not fit to be M.P. for Westminster. He would not stand the ship. They say Brougham will.
Tuesday February 15th 1820
Times concludes my argument today – which has thus taken up sixteen of its columns – shabby Chronicle did not insert it on Monday and announced that Lamb was bound in honour to stand.
Walked on top with Place and Bickersteth. Place tells me that a deputation from Middlesex waited on Brooks186 to know if he would support Lord John Russell187 – “That depends on [the] conduct of [the] Whigs in Westminster”, was the answer.
Coming down from the top, found a note from Richter saying that the Ministers all resigned their places last night, after a quarrel with the King!!! Ellice called. He says the rumour is strong, also that King George is mad, and must die soon.
Murray and Foscolo188 dined with me. Rumour confirmed by them – and/but189 the former is very abusive of King George IV, which looks as if his rogueish friends were going out – the Queen the cause, so they say.
Murray was entertaining – but told all the secrets of all his friends,190 and abused them partially one after the other. Foscolo had a gumboil and was almost silent. He made some very shrewd observations, however, about England. He mentioned as two singularities, one, that when a Ministry came in, all their friends, old and young, rich and poor, think themselves neglected if they have no places – e.g., old Wilbraham thought it hard Fox did not give him something. I answered that it was not the love of place so much as the fear of being thought a person whom it was not worth while to secure. He agreed. The other was that a miserable gentleman may debauch a farmer’s daughter with impunity – in Italy he would be stabbed. He knew two fine girls, sisters at Moulsey so treated, and poxed by a wretch of a fellow,191 who came to live opposite the father’s house next year – and no-one spoke to him about it.
Wilbraham192 made love to Lady Holland, when Lady Webster.193 She gave him a box on the ear, and his cheek rings with it now. Foscolo agreed with me that vanity is the great mover of many men. A monaco who lived with Foscolo in Pavia for two years affected great austerity – he had good clothes but never wore them; money, but never spent it; a watch, but hid it; wrote an answer to a criticism against him, but without his name; and when his books did not make the noise he wished, he cut his throat.
Foscolo gave a singular picture of Will Spenser.194
Murray tells me that Thomas Hope actually wrote Anastasius – I do not believe it. It is evidently a translation. He has a Greek servant – I would sooner believe the servant wrote it.
After Murray and Foscolo went I corrected argument for the pamphlet, and went to bed. Slept well.
Wednesday February 16th 1820
Rumoured change of ministers in the Times, but nothing certain. The Spanish insurrection not quelled, nor increasing.
The King George III buried today. Shops shut – a great fog. A very good thing when all the stuff the Times inserts about George III is done with. One would think he was a Marcus Aurelius; but this is the way the Times preserves the mass of its readers, and preserves the balance, so as to be enabled to attack the Ministry and acts of tyranny.
Paid Mr Brown for five weeks’ more lodgings up to yesterday – also paid Richard for [a] fortnight, up to Saturday last.
Thursday February 17th 1820
Burdett came to town today, and joined me in walking on top – looking very well, noble fellow – dined with me.
Ministers not out – Den met.
Friday February 18th 1820
Occupied about preparing a pamphlet of my argument and case – Burdett dined with me.
Saturday February 19th 1820
I think it was today that the news of the duc de Berri having been assassinated195 reached us, but I do not quite recollect. Burdett dined with me.
Sunday February 20th 1820
Nothing particular – ministers not going out – Parliament to be speedily dissolved. Employed on my pamphlet, which is advertised for tomorrow, but will not be out. Burdett dined with me, and I think Cullen.
Monday February 21st 1820
The man who killed the duc de Berri is called Louvel196 – a most determined fellow. The French journals say he was so cruel that he contrived to have such a dagger and give such a wound as left his victim no chance of life!! To be sure, if he did contemplate such a murder he was not to stab the Duke like the man in Tom Thumb.197
Employed on pamphlet. Burdett dined with me, and in the evening we had discussion, both with him and Cullen and Evans, whether Burdett should defend himself at Leicester,198 or let Denman do it. Evans inclined to [the] latter – I doubt – Cullen the former – it is a very ticklish affair indeed – either Burdett takes the High Ground and loses his cause with Leicestershire sheep-breeders who may think Church and State depend upon their verdict – or he takes apologetic ground and loses his character. Then, as to Denman, he is not [a] great advocate, although a spirit[ed] speaker at times. We adjourned the debate until the next day.
George Lamb’s advertisement in paper – such a thing.
Tuesday February 22nd 1820
Wrote something for Committee – our friends advertise – operations commenced.
Burdett, Bickersteth, Blackburne, Evans and Cullen dine here. We have a long debate on the aforementioned subject – nothing concluded.
Wednesday February 23rd 1820
Rumour that parliament will dissolve on Friday. I begin to pack up books, &c.199 Place came to me whilst walking on the tops and read the Address from the Committee to the Electors of the General Committee. There is a large meeting tonight. Coming down from the roof, found this note – “Mr Cobbett, who is at Mr Hone’s, wishes very much to see Mr Hobhouse”. I scarcely believed my eyes, and not being sure it was this fellow’s writing, and resolved not to see him, I wrote to Hone to come to me in the evening, as I had received a note which I did not exactly understand.
After dinner Hone came, and sat with me all the evening. He told me that Cobbett had been with him – had praised me very much – had said he wanted to speak with me about Coventry,200 and about the electors of Westminster. When my note came, Hone handed it to him. He read it, and said, “Oh there is some mistake then”, and went away shortly. It seems his first wish was to take Hone with him to his meeting at the Jacob’s Well, Barbican, on his Coventry business. He told Hone he should be in the Den certainly. “Then”, said Hone, “either you will change the Den or the Den will change you”. – “Oh,” said Cobbett, “I will change the Den!”
Hone told me that Cobbett said he would never forgive Burdett for neglecting Hone. Said Hone, “I wonder, Mr Cobbett, you should say so – Sir Francis Burdett did not neglect me – he did quite the contrary201 – I said so in print”. – “No, did he?” said Cobbett – “I never heard it till this moment”. But what is more abominable, Cobbett owned that it was he who sent Hone the Litany, for which he was prosecuted202 – now he has directly charged Burdett with being the man, and with neglecting Hone afterwards. This is unparalleled. Hone told me that he republished a life of Cobbett, written by himself,203 because Cobbett played him a shabby trick about taking his Tuppenny Register from him.204 This is not quite so agreeable to hear of Hone. Hone made it up with Cobbett by sending him George Rose’s Rumsey Register, which he had bought for waste paper.205 Cobbett, the day he cut up that Register, sold 72,000 tuppennies!! Cobbett was tipper for all the paper of the tuppennies,206 but he did not get paid from all the country vendors.207 He tells Hone he has got £1,800 – I desired him to tell Cobbett that if he had anything to say to me he must put it upon paper.
Hone is writing a parody208 – I promised to help him.
Thursday February 24th 1820
This morning in the Times say Arthur Thistlewood209 proclaimed a traitor and a murderer – £1,000 reward offered for him – also a denunciation of High Treason against those who harbour him.210 This is against [the] law – a man must be arraigned or convicted before it is High Treason to harbour him. People coming in the morning tell the whole story: a plot to murder the ministers at a cabinet dinner. The conspirators met in a stable in Cato Street, Edgware Road.211 They fought desperately – Thistlewood killed one Smithers, a Bow Street officer. He was taken in bed this morning, about half-past nine, I believe. This is, as Brown my jailer says, a trump card for [the] ministers, just before the election.
My father, Sophy, and Burdett dined here – Cullen came in the evening. We talked over Burdett’s business212 my father [is] rather for Denman’s213 doing it. I am now employed in cancelling comments on judges’ speeches in my case – on account of suspicion of danger in these vile times, when truth is libel.
Friday February 25th 1820
Times full of the assassination plot. The Morning Post attributes it to Lord Fitzwilliam,214 the New Times215 to Cobbett and Burdett!! Doubtless I shall come in for my share.216 I see from the Guardian, a sort of Sunday Courier, that I am a Ruffian, and am suspected of being the author of the letter to Canning.217
Employed about election – hear folks are stirring in all quarters for both parties – Burdett, Bickersteth, Blackburne, and Evans came, and took leave, telling me I should be out tomorrow – I had ordered my horses up to town.
Saturday February 26th 1820
Find that Houses adjourned to Monday. Sent horses back, sat down and wrote an address to Electors, which Place says is most excellent, Bickersteth, admirable and Burdett, capital. I think it is good. Service called, and told me how much Pearson the attorney218 has mismanaged the Manchester affair – Place writes for money.
After all – they have named a managing committee and named Richter219 upon it, though he had seven black balls – this is madness.
Bickersteth came after dinner – tells me Chronicle is praising ministers and recommending coercive measures!! This is all a vile election trick to prevent ministers from having too much weight. Burdett came very late at night. Bickersteth read to me an address which he has written to the Electors – it is capital, but it is touch and go, for Lamb and the party are handled roughly, and I am praised. The Whigs will clamour out, “Dictation – dictation!” However, we shall soon be all together by the ears.
Sunday February 27th 1820
The Examiner takes a bold tone about the assassination plot, and Cobbett has very justly observed that those who made light of the Manchester Massacre have reserved all their sympathies for a constable killed in a fray. There is something about Thistlewood being able to prove an alibi – but this is too good a joke.
I write a note to Place and burn it – copy end of Address – write journal, and so waste the morning. Frost yet – this is the hardest winter since 1813. Burdett dined with me.
Monday February 28th 1820
Rumour that the Den will be adjourned this day – I write to my father to know. Blaquière called – walked with him on the top. A letter came from my father saying that he knew for certain the House would be prorogued today at three o’clock. I looked at the clock, and saw it was near the time. Continued walking with Blaquière on the leads. About half-past four comes up Mr Hardy, Clerk of the Papers to the Keeper, and presents a letter, telling me at the same time I was at liberty – the doors were open to me – the letter merely stated that the House had been prorogued, and it came from Bellamy.220 Blaquière shook hands with me. I gave the watchman a pound, and descended to my apartments – sent my boy for a horse to Mason’s – put on breeches and boots – packed up letters, &c. – sent my Address to the Westminster Electors to the Westminster Committee, now permanently sitting at the Rainbow, King Street, Covent Garden – Berguer called – my horse came – and at half-past five p.m., after shaking hands with Mr Brown I repassed the door of Newgate, got on my horse and trotted away.
Such has been the close of my imprisonment of eleven weeks, all but one day. I was imprisoned for saying that if the soldiers did not protect the House of Commons the members of that House would be pulled out of it by the ears. I was imprisoned by the offended party without a trial – without being heard – without being even seen – and this monstrous injustice has been committed with the approval or at the least without the opposition of those who call themselves the, and are called the, “friends of popular rights”, but who think that some such power should reside in the House of Commons. Several of my friends, Ellice, for instance, thought thus.221
I gave in the names of a dozen gentlemen who might act as stewards at the dinner to be given to me – they all contrived to refuse, upon one pretext or the other. Ellice said it would hurt his interest at Coventry. So that it is to the People alone that any man can trust for the assertion of popular rights. An advocate of the People will have few or no coadjutators. It is well if even the People themselves understand him.
I rode down to Whitton, and was most affectionately received by my dear sisters and by Lady Hobhouse, who is uniformly most kind to me – I felt quite queer at being at liberty.222
I wrote to my father a day or two ago, asking him to borrow £500 for me to carry on the election at Westminster, for I knew that with an exception of a few hundred pounds, the whole expense would fall on Burdett and myself. This expense I estimate at about £800 apiece. Trifling as this is, it is still necessary that the whole should be given by somebody, and the thing is, how to do it without the fact being generally known, for although these expenses are wholly for legal objects, and although it is nothing wrong for the candidates to dispense them, yet as it has been the usage to do otherwise in Westminster, it is for the public good that the transaction should remain a secret. My father answered me that he would give me £500, and would pay for the hustings beside. Very generous truly – he is very kind in all things to me.
Tuesday February 29th 1820
Stayed at Whitton, and rode out with my dear Harriet – very happy times, these.
Wednesday March 1st 1820
Employed thinking what I should say at the dinner to be given to me tomorrow at the Crown and Anchor on my liberation. Wrote something for that occasion. Did not ride.
Thursday March 2nd 1820
I rode to London a little before five p.m. Went with Sir Francis Burdett to the Crown and Anchor. Received in a most affectionate manner by all my Westminster friends. The most respectable company (about 450), ever assembled at dinner there, met me. Everything passed off most agreeably. No soi-disant great folks there, but a great many strangers, all most respectable.
“The Victim”, as Lord Nugent called him, was received with thunders of applause when his health was drunk. His speech (which really was a good one, and had two or three capital hits!!!) was cheered most rapturously. The Times newspaper gave a most favourable report of the whole – and indeed that paper has become friendly throughout to me.
The dinner gave an auspicious prospect of the event of the ensuing election. Burdett made a long speech, part of it very beautiful. Thelwall spoke, not so ill as usual. All went off admirably.
Stationed in 43 Clarges Street.
My Boy Hobbie, O
Thursday April 13th 1820223
Journal from Monday, March 27th. Remained in town, forget where I dined – believe at the Royal Society Club, where I was surprised to find a Sir Alexander Johnstone224 congratulating me on my success – he has been employed in Ceylon.
I there first heard of a ballad, which, it seems, Lord Byron has sent over to me on my imprisonment – the news surprised me – but I did not think much of it at the time. Went to the Royal Society, and to the Antiquarian Society.
[NOT IN DIARY:
My Boy Hobbie, O
New Song
to the tune of
“Where hae ye been a’ day,
My boy Tammy, O?
Courting o’ a young thing,
Just come frae her Mammie, O?”225
1.
How came you in Hob’s pound226 to cool,
My boy Hobbie, O?
Because I bade the people pull
The House into the Lobby, O.227
2.
What did the House upon this call,
My boy Hobbie, O?
They voted me to Newgate all;
Which is an awkward Jobby, O.228
3.
Who are now the people’s men,
My boy Hobby, O?
There’s I and Burdett – Gentlemen,
And blackguard Hunt and Cobby, O.229
4.
You hate the House – why canvass, then?
My boy Hobbie, O?
Because I would reform the den
As member for the Mobby, O.
5.
Wherefore do you hate the Whigs,
My boy Hobbie, O?
Because they want to run their rigs
As under Walpole Bobby, O.230
6.
But when we at Cambridge were,
My boy Hobbie, O,
If my memory don’t err,
You founded a Whig Clubbie, O.
7.
When to the mob you make a speech,
My boy Hobbie, O,
How do you keep without their reach
The watch within your fobby, O? –231
8.
But never mind such petty things,
My boy Hobbie, O –
God save the people – damn all Kings –
So let us crown the Mobby, O!
Yrs truly,
(Signed) Infidus Scurra.
March 23rd 1820]
Friday April 14th 1820
Rode down to Whitton and stayed there – a party at night.
Saturday April 15th 1820
At Whitton.
Sunday April 16th 1820
Came a letter from Murray, including a copy of Lord Byron’s ballad232 – very bad and base and wanton indeed – but signed “Infidus Scurra”233, the name we used to give to Scrope Davies … I am exceedingly unwilling to record this proof of the base nature of my friend – he thought me in prison; he knew me attacked by all parties and pens, he resolved to give his kick too – and in so doing he alluded to my once having belonged to a Whig Club at Cambridge. This to curry favour with the wretched Whigs, and help me downhill.
Now I believe this to be wantonness as much as anything – and to have mistaken the nature of my imprisonment, and of the line of popular politics which I have thought it my duty to adopt – yet for a man to give way to such a mere pruriency and itch of writing, against one who has stood by him in all his battles and never refused a single friendly office is a melancholy proof of want of feeling, and, I fear, of principle. It has at any rate rent asunder the veil234 through which I have long looked at this singular man, and I know not that it is in the power of any circumstances hereafter to make me think of him again as I thought of him before – sic extorta voluptas.235
As for the conduct of Murray the bookseller, nothing can be more impertinent and ungrateful. But I shall not complain to myself of this poor creature, but remember Foscolo’s advice, to have as little as possible to do with these demi gentilhommes.236 This man receives the ballad with this direction – “Give the enclosed song to Hobhouse. I know he will never forgive me – but I cannot help it – I have no patience with him & his ragamuffins for getting him into Quod – as he is now in the Flash Capital he will know what I mean.”237 Well, what does Murray? he shows the song about to everybody – a mutilated copy of it gets into the Morning Post, with the heading, “written by a noble poet of the first poetical eminence on his quondam friend and annotator” – and then sends me not the original, but a copy made out by a Clerk!! ————————————
I wrote a letter to Murray,238 telling him what I think of the ballad if ordered to be circulated or published, and asking whether Lord Byron ordered him to circulate or publish it. This affair made me very uncomfortable indeed – to be undeceived respecting a man in whom I had “garnered up my heart”!!239
I know nothing worse in life – It is the worst way of losing a friend –
Walked about and unbosomed myself to Sophy – but resolved not to mention the circumstance to any other of my family, or to any friend except Burdett – I do not wish the termination of my friendship to be announced like the dissolution of a partnership in the gazette.
Monday April 17th 1820
Rode up to London – went to a meeting at Willis’ rooms respecting the water-companies’ monopoly.240 Heard a Mr Weall harangue,241 Mr Wilmot M.P.,242 Sir H. Englefield243 – <Colonel> Mr Freemantle M.P.244 was in the chair. Towards the end of the day, I was called upon to speak, and said a few words to the effect that I came only to listen, but that if a bill was to be brought into parliament to regulate the Water Companies I should be happy to assist its progress. This was a great relief to the Chairman, who, when [he] had got up, looked as black as his wig, fearing that I should spoil sport, and compound the anti-monopolists with the Radical Reformers. This Freemantle is a poor fellow – a Grenville rat, a mere nominee, and as mean as one.
I rode afterwards to the Mermaid at Hackney where a public dinner was given to celebrate Sam Whitbread’s return.245 Shaw le Fere246 was in the Chair – 300, almost, present. Ellice the only other M.P. The Whigs had given the Middlesex committee to understand that if Westminster or Burdett or I were toasted, they would not attend. Burdett and I were invited, and so no Whig came, but the day passed off very well. Lord John Russell’s health was not given, though he proposed Whitbread. The Westminster healths were given, and rapturously received, as were my thanks in return, and last and best, Whitbread declared he was not a party man.
I had a raging toothache, otherwise should have been most happy – rode back and slept at No 2 Hanover Square, a house which my father has taken for the season, and where he has given me apartments very kindly, as usual with him.
Tuesday April 18th 1820
Forget what I did this day.
Wednesday April 19th 1820
Still tormented with the toothache. Went down to Whitton.
Thursday April 20th 1820
At Whitton. I have had a letter from Byron247 in which he talks of the song – I think half ashamed – and very friendly and kind, poor fellow, in every respect. I hear from Murray, who sends the original ballad and makes light of it. I return what I think a becoming answer to such a man,248 and drop the affair, which I believe has made but little noise. Write to Byron telling him he is a shabby fellow249 and leaving him to chew without any other comment – House of Commons met.
The Execution of the Cato Street Conspirators
Monday May 1st 1820
Rode up to London. Thistlewood,250 Ings,251 Brunt,252 Davidson,253 and Tidd254 executed this morning at the Old Bailey. Their heads were cut off by a man in a mask.255 The people hissed violently during the operation – soldiers were in readiness everywhere. The men died like heroes – Ings perhaps was too obstreperous in singing Death or Liberty, and Thistlewood said, “Be quiet Ings, we can die without all this noise”. They admitted they intended to kill the ministers, but without malice,256 and as the only resource.
It is certain that Edwards, a government spy,257 was the chief instigator of the whole scheme. The people cried out for him during the execution. The government will gain nothing by this execution.
I went down to the House, and sat some time. The Attorney-General258 did not come down, and if he had I think I should have been afraid to speak.259
Came home. Dined with Cuthbert,260 Burdett, Lord Thanet,261 and Bainbridge262 there. Three of the company had been in jail – Lord Thanet, Burdett, & I.263
I walked about a long time with Burdett talking over the fate and conduct of these men who died this morning.
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Edward Ellice (1781-1863); friend of Burdett, H. and B. – a radical Whig. The “sad mistake” he has made is to suggest to the Commons that H. “… should be spared the annoyance of an interrogation at the Bar, and that whatever [is] to be done on the occasion should be done at once” (Recollections, II 115). He did not realise at the time that this would involve H.’s arrest: he does now. |
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Douglas Kinnaird (1788-1830); friend of B., whose banker and agent he was during the poet’s exile, and of H., whose 1813 journey round Europe he had in part shared. Now M.P. for Bishop’s Castle, a seat he loses in March this year when a select committee declares him “not duly elected”. Had offered himself as Westminster candidate in 1818, but stood down in favour of H. Loses his temper a lot. |
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Henry Bickersteth (1783-1851); afterwards Lord Langdale and Master of the Rolls, was a close friend of H. who shared his radical views. He married Lady Jane Harley. |
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Sir Francis Burdett (1777-1844); very rich radical Whig M.P. To be H.’s partner in several Westminster elections. H. will propose without success to two of his daughters. Place found him snobbish and distant. |
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Michael Bruce (1787-1861); traveller, friend of H., with whom he witnessed the Hundred Days, sometime lover of Lady Hester Stanhope, Lady Caroline Lamb, and of the widows of both Marshal Ney and Admiral Sir Peter Parker. |
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That is, fly the country (as, for example, John Wilkes had, in not entirely dissimilar circumstances, in 1763). |
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In 1810, on Burdett’s release from the Tower, where he too had been confined for breach of Parliamentary privilege, he had tried without success to bring an action against the Commons Serjeant-at-Arms. |
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H. pleased to be arrested by a man shorter than he is. |
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Lady Hannah unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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“Constables” (Spanish). |
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“Corpus” as in Habeas Corpus, the elementary legal principle here being flagrantly violated. |
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Christian name unrevealed. The Governor of Newgate. |
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Francis Place (1771-1854); radical reformer. A tailor, he is H.’s campaign-manager in the next election. A much more important figure in early nineteenth-century radicalism than H., Lady Dorchester cuts every reference to him from Recollections. |
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Ward unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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“tea pot” (Ms.). |
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Elizabeth Fry (1780-1845); the Quaker prison reformer whose social focus is also queried by B. at Don Juan X Stanzas 8-5. |
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In Kent, on the south coast of the Thames estuary. They are destined either for the prison ships, or for transportation to Australia (see Great Expectations, passim). |
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The remaining life of the arresting Parliament. In fact the King’s death at the end of January shortens H.’s anticipated stretch by five months. |
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It was here that the Marquis of Sligo, B.’s friend, had lodged when he had been imprisoned in 1813. |
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Cullen unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Lady Hobhouse is in fact H.’s stepmother. |
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Charlotte Hobhouse (H.’s only sister, not one of his half-sisters) wrote as follows to him while he was in Newgate: “F. [an unidentified friend] wishes that she were here in London that she might see you, for there is no den so dark where the world would not visit the child of her friend. I really believe she thinks that you are chained to a wall in a dungeon, eating bread only moistened by your tears. I have tried to lessen her ‘impression’” – Reminiscences, 24. |
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The Crown and Anchor tavern was the principal meeting-place for the Westminster electors, Westminster having the widest franchise in the country. It had a huge dining-hall. |
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The Marquis of Tavistock was the son of the Duke of Bedford. A Trinity friend of H. |
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Joshua Evans was a radical barrister. |
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Publican at the Crown and Anchor[??]. |
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The events in this section of the diary occur in the shadow of the totalitarian Six Acts, passed in winter 1819. They were:
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Blackburne may be John Blackburne, MP for Newton 1807-18, and for Warrington 1835-47. He was certainly “a gentleman” but probably too right wing (I.G.). |
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Underlined twice. |
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Kinnaird was a partner in the bank of Ransom and Morley (later Barclay’s). |
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John Murray (1778-1843); B.’s publisher. |
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Oriental novel by Thomas Hope (1769-1831) published 1819. B. admired it and wished he had written it; see BLJ VII 138 and 182, and Blessington 51. |
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“sending me” (Ms.). |
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James Mill, author of the History of British India (1817-18). Father of John Stuart Mill. |
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Sir Robert Wilson (1777-1849); soldier and future Governor of Gibraltar. Currently Whig M.P. for Southwark. H. got to know his sister, Mrs Bailly Wallis, in Paris. The following year he is removed from the army for failing to fire on the mob at Queen Caroline’s funeral. |
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David Ricardo (1772-1823); economist and M.P. for Portarlington. |
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Charles Watkin Williams Wynn was a Tory politician, rising briefly to be Secretary of War in 1831. He had been with Southey at Westminster and was a lifelong friend of his. No friend to radicals. |
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Courtenay was later the Earl of Devon. |
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Joseph Phillimore (1775-1855); jurist. |
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Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh (1769-1822); the unpopular Foreign Secretary. |
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All unidentified except Major Cartwright, for whom see below, 26 Dec 1816, and Thomas Jonathon Wooler (1786-1853), publisher of the Black Dwarf and the British Gazette. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Scrope Berdmore Davies (1783-1852); fellow of King’s College Cambridge, close friend of no-one, but well-acquainted with B. and H. from their Cambridge days. Self-destructively compulsive gambler. |
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Grosvenor unidentified. Thomas, afterwards First Baron Denman (1779-1854). Whig M.P. who was soon to defend Queen Caroline. |
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“The hot and fiery Douglas” is B.’s nickname for Kinnaird at BLJ VI 136. |
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Conjectural reading. Rothwell and Parkway unidentified. |
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Prat unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Sir Richard Phillipps. William Hone and Sir Richard Phillips were among the more talented radical publisher-booksellers to become bankrupt at this time. (I.G.) |
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“The Den of Iniquity” or “A Den of Thieves” (see Luke 19, 46); that is, the House of Commons. |
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Notice the speed at which the printers work. |
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Irvine unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Major Thomas Cartwright (1740-1824) had been a famous reform agitator since the 1790s, demanding annual parliaments and the vote for all tax-payers. B. had made his third Lords speech in favour of one of his petitions, on 1 June 1813 (CMP 41-6). |
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Mills unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Henry “Orator” Hunt (1773-1835); radical agitator. H. wants nothing to do with either him or Cobbett; Place thinks him ignorant and mischievous. |
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“is a” (Ms.) |
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Lord Eldon (1751-1838); Lord Chancellor 1801-27. An enemy of reform. |
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John Horne Tooke (1713-1812); clergyman and radical politician. |
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“By fair means or foul”; Horace, Carmina I 18 10 (should be “atque nefas”). |
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This favourable judgement does not stop H. from referring to Cartwright as “Old Prosy” in a letter to B. of 31 Mar 1820 (BB 286). |
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“addressed” (Ms.) |
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Sir Robert Peel (1788-1850) future Prime Minister, is currently out of office. M.P. for Oxford University. |
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“screetch” (Ms.) |
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“pye man” (Ms.) |
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Scott’s novel, just published. |
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A reaction similar to that of B. when he sees three men guillotined in Rome (BLJ V 230). |
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Colonel Edward Marcus Despard (1751-1803) plotted to kill George III and seize the Tower and the Bank of England. He was drawn on a hurdle and beheaded. |
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Fox’s “strange thing” not recorded. |
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George Canning (1770-1827); now M.P. for Liverpool; Foreign Secretary after Castlereagh’s suicide in 1822. |
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A Letter to George Canning was widely supposed to be by H. Recollections (II 114) says that it was a group effort by him and other members of the Rota Club. |
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Quotation unidentified and untranslated. Anybody got any ideas? |
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Conjectural reading. |
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Of Child Harold’s Pilgrimage. |
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“Hinky-Punk” of Somerset and Devonshire; it carried a light, and led travellers into bogs. |
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William Cobbett (1763-1835); great radical journalist and, at this time, would-be M.P. Both H. and B. dislike him and fear his politics, and Place is afraid he might teach the common people insubordination! |
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Sir James Mackintosh (1765-1832); Scots philosopher and Whig M.P. for Nairn. |
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James Perry (1756-1821); editor of the Morning Chronicle. |
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Chambers unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Life of Leo X by William Roscoe (1805). Translated into French, German and Italian. On the Index. |
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Girolamo Tiraboschi (1731-1794); author of Storia della Letteratura Italiana, a standard work much used by B. and H. |
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Jones unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Neaton unidentified. Could be “Newton” (Isaac – the suggestion is by I.G.). |
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D. Brown unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Andrews unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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This manuscript was discovered where Kinnaird had left it, in a Barclay’s vault, in 1976. With it was, inter alia, Mary Shelley’s fair copy of The Prisoner of Chillon. |
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Could be “Tatbury”. |
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To jump ahead: the end of the tale is told in H.’s diary entry for 6 July 1851: “… on Saturday the 28th of June, going out of my house at half-past eleven in the pr[ ], I was accosted by an old man, shrivelled and bent, who in a feeble voice asked me if I knew him – I told him I did not. He said “Scrope Davies” – I was much shocked to see <my/>the robust, active, lively companion of my youth shrunk to such a remnant of himself, but I had not seen him since he parted from me when I was in Newgate in 1819 [sic] – I asked him to come into my house, or walk with me. He could not do either, but said he would call on me on the following Friday. He did come on Tuesday last, early, but I was not up, so I have not seen him. He is still obliged to live abroad, and continues to retain his King’s fellowship. He will not want it long …” (B.L. Add.Mss. 43756 17r.-v.) |
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B. was within minutes of leaving Venice, Italy, and Teresa Guiccioli; but, as Fanny Silvestrini wrote, “He was ready dressed for the journey, his gloves and cap on, and even his little cane in his hand. Nothing was now waited for but his coming down stairs, – his boxes being already on board the gondola. At this moment, my Lord, by way of pretext, declares, that if it should strike one o’clock before every thing was in order (his arms being the only thing not quite ready) he would not go that day. The hour strikes, and he remains! … It is evident he had not the heart to go” – Moore (1832) IV, 265-66, and 266n. |
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John Hatsell’s Precedents of Proceedings in the House of Commons (1785). |
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William Roscoe’s Life and Pontificate of Leo X was translated into both French and Italian. |
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Compare the sex-in-a-coffin anecdote H. hears in Venice on 11 Oct 1817. |
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William Wilberforce (1759-1833) abolisher of the slave trade. A Tory. |
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The despotic Six Acts of early 1819. |
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Conjectural reading. Anyone got any ideas? |
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White suffered several prosecutions for seditious libel and was given three years in Dorchester prison. Trying to gain Whig patronage, he occasionally moved to the right (I.G.). |
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John Thelwall (1764-1834) radical campaigner and journalist, had bought the Champion in 1818. |
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Which formed a staple of Scrope Davies’ reading; see 2 Jan 1820. |
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Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) author of Leviathan. Aubrey reports him as saying, “if he had read as much as other men, he should have knowne no more than other men” (Brief Lives). |
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Henry Brougham (1778-1868) politician; great enemy of B. See Don Juan I, cancelled stanzas. |
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Francis Horner (1778-1817) economist. Co-founder of the Edinburgh Review. |
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Satirical poem by Swift (1736). |
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Indicating that H. has never read Gulliver’s Travels. |
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Joseph Spence (1699-1768) Professor of Poetry at Oxford. His Anecdotes of Pope and others were not published until 1820. |
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“Prick!” (Italian). |
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Editor of the Monthly Review. Otherwise unidentified. |
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Lord Sefton was an Irish peer and therefore eligible for the Commons, where as William Molyneux he was MP for Droitwich, 1816-31. A follower of Brougham, he opposed repressive measures in 1816 and 1819. In 1817 he sent Hone a letter congratulating him on his escape from the Crown Prosecution and giving him a cheque for £100 (I.G.). |
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Wheeler, Shephard, Crampton, Rushton and Roscoe all unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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William Smith, Whig M.P. for Norwich, enemy of Southey, who wrote A Letter to William Smith Esq. in 1817. While at Trinity, H. had toured the Hebrides with his son. |
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William Hone (1780-1842); radical journalist and satirist. H. becomes on excellent terms with him. Lady Dorchester cuts every reference to him, too, from Recollections. |
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A satire by Hone, published 1820. The woodcuts are by George Cruikshank. |
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Flower otherwise unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Thomas, Lord Erskine (1750-1823); brilliant advocate. In June 1797 he had been prosecuting counsel in the case of a bookseller called Williams who had been publishing Tom Paine’s The Age of Reason. |
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Hall unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Alderman Robert Waitman, friend of Hone, important London radical. Made Lord Mayor in 1823. |
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Hortense Beauharnais, daughter of Josephine, made Queen of Holland by Bonaparte. |
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Letters. |
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Henry Hobhouse, H.’s brother. |
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Rothwell unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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For the victims of the Peterloo Massacre (16 Aug 1819). |
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Service and Philipps unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Henry “Orator” Hunt (1773-1835); radical agitator. H. wants nothing to do with either him or Cobbett. |
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Seaton unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Phaedrus (1st century AD); translator into Latin and adaptor of Aesop. The passage is (probably), “… if any other than Sejanus had been the informer, if any other the witness, if any other the judge, in fine, I should confess myself deserving of such severe woes; nor should I soothe my sorrow with these expedients”. Sejanus was the corrupt soldier and statesman who ruled Rome in the absence of the Emperor Tiberius. Not a parallel well-calculated to appeal to the Justices of the King’s Bench. |
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Swift wrote occasional characters: of Henry II, the Earl of Wharton (1710), Dr Sheridan (1738), and “an Irish Squire”. |
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Memoirs of Captain John Creighton or Creichton, not “Crichton”, as H. would have it. |
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“Burnett” (Ms. – H. confuses “Burnet” with “Burdett”). The first sentence of Swift’s Short Remarks on Bishop Burdet’s History is, “This author is, in most particulars, the worst qualified for an historian that ever I met with” (Scott’s edition, X 251). |
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He is actually called Master David Williamson (Scott’s edition, X 117-18). |
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The Creichton Memoirs are those of a soldier who took delight in persecuting the Covenanters in late seventeenth-century Scotland – the theme of Scott’s Old Mortality. At X 192 of his edition Scott deplores Swift’s seeming endorsement of Creichton’s cruelty and fanaticism. |
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Scott’s nineteen-volume edition of Swift was published in 1814. |
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John George Lambton, Lord Durham (1792-1840); reformer. Future Governor-General of Canada. |
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Hibbert may have been George Hibbert, MP for Seaford 1806-17. Except on the Slave Trade, he was fairly radical (I.G.). |
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“Thus everything goes into the shadows”; reverses Virgil, Aeneid IX 641 (“sic itur ad astra”). |
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H. suddenly realises that he wrote about his father’s gift only two lines previously. |
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The Lathams unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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“sour” (Ms.) |
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A Character, Panegyric and Description of the Legion Club (1736) is almost the last poem Swift wrote before his mind gave way. It is a scabrous, octosyllabic attack on the Irish parliament, and thus well-calculated to attract H.’s attention at this time. See Scott’s edition, X 547. |
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“Anger gives one strength”; Virgil, Aeneid I 150. |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Richter was probably John Richter, a prosperous sugar refiner and Spencean radical. In June 1814, at a meeting of Joseph Lancaster’s West London Lancasterian Association, Burdett moved that Place and Richter, as suspected government spies, be expelled and replaced by Evans and three friends – amongst them Thistlewood! (I.G.). |
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Shepherd, Bracciolini and Richter all unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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BB 280-5. |
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Crosbie unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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John George Lambton, later Earl of Durham. |
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Forbeses unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Cohen was a Murray associate and an expert in Italian poetry. He was the father of F.T.Palgrave. It was he who, having read Don Juan on its first day out, wrote to Murray, “we are never drenched & scorched at the same instant”, provoking B.’s famous response (BLJ VI 207). |
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Article 29 of Magna Carta, which in Latin begins with these words, goes: “No Freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or be disseised of his Freehold, or Liberties, or free Customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwise destroyed; nor will we pass upon him, nor condemn him, but by lawful Judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land. We will sell to no man, we will not deny or defer to any man either Justice or Right”. The article is, in effect, a law of Habeas Corpus, relating directly to H.’s case. |
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Mudford otherwise unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Dr John Stoddart was the editor of the New Times (the only paper to have carried the news which led to the Cato Street Conspiracy), and a supporter of the right-wing Constitutional Association. Hone hated him and lampooned him often. |
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Hone’s Buonapartephobia: the Origin of Dr Slop’s name achieved ten editions in 1820. |
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Place seems anxious that H. should understand that the freeholders of Westminster are all respectable bourgeois. |
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Petrie unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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H. is preparing a statement for his appearance before the Court of King’s Bench, scheduled for 2 Feb. |
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Chambers and Seton both unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Perhaps Berger, the London manufacturer of optical instruments. See 21 Oct 1809, and BLJ X 82. |
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“Like an ass”. |
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Quarrel unknown. H. kept it secret. |
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A botanical word which actually means “full of fissures or chinks”. H. intends it to combine “morose”, “remorseful”, and “lacrymose”. Kinnaird is probably depressed by his failure as an M.P., and by the general failure of H.’s friends to plead his case in the Commons. |
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James Wedderburn Webster had not been cuckolded by B., but had been by the Duke of Wellington. |
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Written in large letters. |
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Here ends the book now numbered B.L. Add.Mss. 56540. That now numbered 56541 continues the entry for 30 Jan 1820. |
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Underlined twice. |
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William Draper Best (1767-1845); judge. Often incapacitated by gout. |
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Charles Abbott (1762-1832) was Chief Justice of the King’s Bench. Presided also at the 1824 trial of John Hunt over The Vision of Judgement. No friend to radicals. |
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Keeper Brown accompanied his prisoner. Hayward unidentified; presumably a colleague of Brown. |
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Ben Bright otherwise unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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James Scarlett (1769-1844); famous advocate. In 1824 he defended John Hunt in the case of B.’s The Vision of Judgement. Attorney-General under Canning. Born in Jamaica, went to Trinity. |
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Algernon Sidney (1622?-83); friend of William Penn, beheaded on no evidence for complicity in the Rye House Plot. Exonerated 1689, the case to which Scarlett refers. |
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Justices Bailey and Hilroyd otherwise unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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George Lamb (1784-1834); Lady Melbourne’s fourth son (perhaps by the Prince Regent). Wrote prologues for Drury Lane. Beat H. in the 1819 election; loses to him in the 1820 election. |
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Edward Blaquière, later co-founder with H. and others of the London Greek Committee. |
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Copley was probably John Copley (son of the painter), MP for Ashburton 1818-26. A very eminent lawyer, he was successively Solicitor General and Attorney General and from 1827 to 1830 he was Lord Chancellor as Lord Lyndhurst (I.G.). |
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Conjectural reading. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Partridge and Coombe all unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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“M’Creary” (Ms.). John McCreery was a printer and a colleague of Place. |
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Dignam unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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“Mother Butler” unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Prescott unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Fisher unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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George Pullar was one of Place’s radical colleagues at Westminster. He was a currier. |
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William Sturch was a leading Westminster radical. |
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Charles Calvert was MP for Southwark, 1812-30; for part of that time his co-member was Sir Robert Wilson (I.G.). |
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H. stays an M.P. until Feb 1852. |
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“set” (Ms.). |
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The first reference to Queen Caroline, whose “trial” for adultery will monopolise everyone’s attention during the second half of the year. |
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Sir Matthew Wood, Lord Mayor of London 1815-17. |
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Brooks unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Lord John Russell (1792-1878); future framer and mover of the Great Reform Bill of 1832. |
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Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827) is H.’s most distinguished visitor. Famous Italian poet, author of Dei Sepolcri, self-exiled in England because he would not collaborate with the Austrians. Almost certainly syphilitic. In March 1823 he proposes to Matilda, one of H.’s sisters. H. is disgusted at the idea. |
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One word (“but”) is written over the other (“&”), neither appearing to have precedence. |
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None of them, alas, recorded by H. |
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Foscolo may be speaking of himself. |
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Roger Wilbraham (1743-1829), friend of Charles James Fox; the literary Whig at one of whose dinners H. had first met Foscolo on 23 Mar 1818. |
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Lady Holland’s first husband had been Sir Godfrey Webster. |
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William Robert Spenser (1769-1834); poetaster and wit. |
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Charles Ferdinand, duc de Berri (1778-1820); second son of the Comte d’Artois; nephew of Louis XVIII. Assassinated at the Opéra on 13 Feb. |
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Louis Pierre Louvel (1783-1820); his intention was to exterminate the Bourbons, an idea which amuses H. Guillotined. |
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Tom Thumb the Great, burlesque tragedy by Fielding (1730); see final scene. |
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Burdett was being prosecuted at the Leicester assizes for publishing a seditious libel, namely, his 1819 pamphlet Address to the Electors of Westminster, about Peterloo. He lost, was fined £2,000, and imprisoned for three months. Here is a quotation from his pamphlet: “… would to Heaven they had been Dutchmen, or Switzers, or Hessians, or Hanoverians, or anything rather than Englishmen, who have done such deeds. What! Kill men unarmed, unresisting, and, gracious God! women too! – disfigured, maimed, cut down and trampled on by dragoons! Is this England? This a Christian land? A land of freedom? Can such things be, and pass by us like a summer cloud, unheeded? Forbid it every drop of English blood in every vein that does not proclaim his owner, bastard”. The quotations from both Shakespeare and Blake are impressive. |
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The dissolution of parliament would automatically mean H.’s release from Newgate. |
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Cobbett was planning to stand as radical M.P. for Coventry. |
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Perhaps a reference to the celebrations, organised by Hone, which should have followed Burdett’s release from the Tower on 22 June 1810. Burdett claimed illness, and was taken home secretly by the river. |
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Hone’s The Political Litany, with illustrations by Cruickshank, had led to his prosecution in 1817; he had been acquitted. |
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The Life of William Cobbett, written by himself (1816). |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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I do not know when all this happened. Anyone got any ideas? |
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|
Parody unidentified. |
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Arthur Thistlewood (1770-1820); leader of the Cato Street Conspiracy, which had been thwarted the previous day. The cabinet was, it was claimed, to have been murdered as they dined at the house of the Lord President, Lord Harrowby, at 44 Grosvenor Square. Coutts’ Bank, the Mansion House, Bank and Tower were then to have been taken, all paper money burnt, and the coin distributed to the poor. During the arrest of the conspirators a Bow-Street runner had been killed. In fact there was no dinner, and the event had been inspired by an agent provocateur called George Edwards, who was in the pay of the Home Office and under the control of H.’s cousin Henry, Lord Sidmouth’s secretary. For B.’s reaction, see BLJ VII 62-3: “… but really if these sort of awkward butchers are to get the upper hand – I for one will declare off …”. Thistlewood claimed intimacy with H. A Bow Street magistrate named Richard Birnie recorded one of the conspirators, William Simmons, as saying, “Thistlewood […] says he will introduce me to many respectable at his end of the town friends […] some of whom will surprise me, that he had lived in Sir Benjamin Hobhouse’s family & knows the younger one the member for Westminster, and has often conversed with him and that he is a perfect republican, and that he Simmons thinks that Mr Hobhouse will be the man who will gain this Country its Liberty … [H.] will see what can be done among the higher orders of people […] and that he will teaze oppose & punish the Borough mongers” (Home Office file HO 44/6, quoted John Gardner, From ‘Poverty to Guilt’, KSR 16, 2002, pp.121-2). If H. had ever met Thistlewood (the Duke of Wellington thought he had – see note below), he never lets on. |
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The report and the offer of the reward had been issued within four hours of the “conspiracy” being “foiled”. |
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A mews off Crawford Place, near Edgware Road W.1; now flanked by Harrowby Street and Castlereagh Street. Re-named Horace Street in 1827, it was given its original name again in the twentieth century; the building still stands – with a blue plaque – next to a low-rise apartment block named Sidmouth House, after Lord Sidmouth (1757-1844) the Home Secretary, George Edwards’ employer. |
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Burdett was being prosecuted for seditious libel as the result of a letter he had sent to the Westminster Electors after the Peterloo Massacre. In April 1821 he was fined £2,000 and imprisoned for three months. |
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Thomas, afterwards First Baron Denman (1779-1854); Whig M.P. who was soon to defend Queen Caroline. |
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William, second Earl Fitzwilliam (1748-1843) had briefly been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1794-5. He supported Catholic Emancipation. |
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The New Times had been the only newspaper to carry the false information about the Cabinet Ministers’ dinner which had encouraged the conspirators to assemble at Cato Street. |
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“The Duke of Wellington came to ride with us, which he always does of a Sunday. He brought me to shew me the deposition of a man of the name of Hall, one of the Cato Street conspirators who was not tried but confessed his share in the transaction and told all he knew upon the plot. Among other curious things he said that Thistlewood, at one of their meetings, had informed them of an interview he had had with Mr. Hobhouse, in which he had stated to Mr. H. their intention of effecting a revolution and asked him whether, in the event of their succeeding, he wd place himself at the head of the provisional Government, that Mr. Hobhouse had said he wd! Hall also stated in his affidavit that Thistlewood had gone again to see Mr. H., when he was in Newgate for contempt of the House of Commons, but had been refused admittance by the jailer. I asked the Duke if he credited this statement; for I confess I doubted Mr. Hobhouse being such a fool as to commit himself with such a man as Thistlewood. The Duke said he dared say Thistlewood had made the most of the story in reporting it to his confederates, but he had no doubt of the interview having taken place and that, whatever Mr. Hobhouse had said, he had no doubt of his inclination to place himself at the head of any revolutionary Government” – (Arbuthnot p.17: entry for 8 May 1820). |
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H. may in part be its author. |
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|
Pearson unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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|
Richter unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
|
|
Bellamy unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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|
It was Ellice’s faith in the justice of the Commons that got H. arrested in the first place. |
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Compare B.’s The Prisoner of Chillon, last line. |
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|
H. is by now M.P. for Westminster, with Burdett. |
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|
Johnstone unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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|
This traditional air was published with an accompaniment by Haydn, published 1792. The lyric expresses the singer’s happiness at wooing a young girl away from her love for her mother – whom he promises to shelter as well (N.B. this is a romantic reading of the lyric). |
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Newgate. |
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This is just what H.’s enemies asserted, falsely, that he had done in A Trifling Mistake. |
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I have derived the comma from the Scots ballad Edward: “Why does yer hand sae drap wi’ bluid, / And why sae sad gang ye, O?” |
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But H. refuses to associate with either of these. |
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The corrupt administration of Sir Robert Walpole (1721-42). |
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|
But see Place’s reassuring words to H., 21 Jan 1820. |
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|
My Boy Hobbie-O: my text. |
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|
The phrase signifies “treacherous but stylish parasite and buffoon”. |
|
|
“viel” (Ms.) |
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|
Horace, Epistles II ii 139: “… cui sic extorta voluptas / et demptus per vim mentis gratissimus error”: “… thus you have robbed me of a valued pleasure and the dearest illusion of my heart”. The words are imagined as said by a man who has been cured of the delusion that he has been delighting in a troupe of tragic actors, when in fact the theatre has been empty. |
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The phrase describes Murray in a letter of Foscolo to Hobhouse of 14 Oct 1818 (BHF 41) and in a letter of Hobhouse to Foscolo of 17 Oct 1818 (BHF 43). |
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BLJ VII 59, slightly mangled. |
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H.’s letter to Murray [April 16th ?? 1820]: No. 2, Hanover Square – Dear Sir I have received your letter and return to you Lord Byron’s – I shall tell you very frankly, because I think it much better to speak <to> little of a man to his face than to say a great deal about him behind his back, – that I think you have not treated me as I have deserved, nor as might have been expected from that friendly intercourse which has subsisted between us for so many years – – Had Lord Byron transmitted to me a lampoon on you, I should, if I know myself at all, either have put it into the fire without delivery or should have sent it at once to you – I should not have given it a circulation for the gratification of all the small wits at the great & little houses where no treat is so agreable as to find a man laughing at his friend – In this case the whole coterie of the very shabbiest party that ever disgraced & divided a nation, I mean the Whigs, are, I know, chuckling over that silly charge made by Mr Lamb on the hustings, and now confirmed by Lord Byron of my having belonged to a Whig club at Cambridge <–> such a Whig as I then was I am now – I had no notion that the name implied selfishness and subserviency and desertion of the most important principles for the sake of the least important interest – I had no notion that it implied any thing more than an attachment to the principles the ascendancy of which expelled the Stuarts from the throne – Lord Byron belonged to this Cambridge Club & desired me to scratch out his name on account of the criticism in the Edinburgh Review on his early poems: but exercising my discretion on the subject I did not<t> erase his name – but reconciled him to the said Whigs . – . The members of the Club were but few and with those who have any marked politics amongst them I continue to agree at this day – They were but <xxx/>ten and you must know most of them – Mr W. Ponsonby, Mr George O’Callaghan, the Duke of Devonshire, Mr Dominick Browne, Mr Henry Pearce, Mr Kinnaird, Lord Tavistock, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Byron and myself – I was not, as Lord Byron says in the song, the founder of this club – on the contrary, thinking myself of mighty importance in those days, I recollect very well that some difficulty attended my consenting to belong to the Club, and I have by me a letter from Lord Tavistock – in which the distinction between being a Whig party man, and Revolution Whig is strongly insisted upon – I have troubled you with the detail in consequence of Lord Byron’s charge, which he, who despises, & defies, & has lampooned the Whigs all round, only inserted out of wantonness, & for the sake of annoying me – and he has certainly succeeded – thanks to your circulating this filthy ballad – As for his Lordship’s vulgar notions about the mob – they are very fit for the Poet of the Morning Post & for nobody else – nothing in the ballad annoyed me but the charge about the Cambridge club – because nothing else had the semblance of truth – and I own it has hurt me very much to find Lord Byron playing into the hands of the Holland House sycophants for whom he has himself the most sovereign contempt, and <to> whom in other days I myself have tried to induce him to tolerate – I shall say no more on this unpleasant subject except that by a letter which I have just received from Lord Byron I think he is ashamed of his song – I shall certainly speak as plainly to him as I have taken the liberty to do to you in the matter – He was very wanton & you were very indiscreet – but I trust neither one nor the other meant mischief – and there’s an end of it –– Do not aggravate matters by telling how much I have been annoy’d [–] Lord Byron has sent to me a list of his new poems & some prose all of which he requests me to prepare for the press for him – The monied arrangement is to be made by Mr Kinnaird[.] When you are ready for me – the materials may be sent to me at this place where I have taken up my abode for the season – I remain very truly yours John Cam Hobhouse. John Murray Esq – (JMA) |
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Othello, IV ii 58; Othello’s words describing the importance to him of Desdemona’s love, which he thinks he has lost. |
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Note pending. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Weall unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Robert John Wilmot was MP for Newcastle-under-Lyme, 1818-30. He seems to have been good on criminal law and Catholic relief (I.G.). |
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Englefield unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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William Henry Fremantle was an MP from 1816 to 1827, and MP for Buckingham at this time. He was a Grenvillite. What H. says about him is accurate, and his presence is therefore surprising (I.G.). |
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Son of Sir Samuel Whitbread. I do not know where he had been. |
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Le Fere unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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BLJ VII 62-4. |
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See above; also at LJ IV 499-500. |
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BB 290-2; much funnier than H.’s letter to Murray. |
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An ex-militiaman (like Hobhouse), Thistlewood had been acquitted of sedition on 15 Nov 1816 in connection with the meeting at Spa Fields, which “Orator” Hunt had addressed. |
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James Ings (????-1820); a failed butcher and coffee-shop keeper and seller of political pamphlets. |
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John Thomas Brunt (????-1820); a shoemaker and occasional poet. |
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William Davidson (????-1820) was black, and according to some stories, son of the Attorney-General for Jamaica. He had been a journeyman tailor, a Wesleyan preacher, a secretary of the union of shoemakers and a servant to the Earl of Harrowby. |
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Richard Tidd (????-1820); shoemaker and radical. He had been involved in Colonel Despard’s plot. |
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The headsman was probably Tom Parker, an expert resurrection-man and mortician; though several respectable surgeons were assaulted, and in one case almost castrated, on suspicion of having performed the decapitations. |
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Ings had fantasised (as had B.: see H.V.S.V. 124 and 126) about having Castlereagh’s head off. |
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George Edwards (????-????) had been employed by Sidmouth (and by Hobhouse’s cousin Henry, who worked at the Home Office) as agent-provocateur; he gave no evidence at the trial; and was last heard of trying unsuccessfully to keep a false identity in Jersey. |
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The Attorney-General was Robert Gifford (later Baron Gifford: 1779-1826). |
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Last sentence not in Recollections (II 127). H.’s implication is that the executions had scared him into silence. |
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Cuthbert unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Sackville Tufton, 9th Earl of Thanet (1767-1825) had spent a year in jail in 1799 and been fined £1,000 for allegedly abetting the escape from Maidstone Courthouse of Arthur O’Connor, the Irish patriot. |
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Bainbridge unidentified. Anyone got any ideas? |
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Burdett’s first incarceration had been in 1810: he was imprisoned again in 1821. |
